Bohras fall at the feet of Narendra Modi too

[Al Fateh]

^ hehe now I know why SMB and Muffy loves Modi, seems they all are friends, and loves to take credit of some body else's work.

dhadhi and topi is Sunnah of beloved prophet Muhammed(s), but SMB and muffy makes it like it is from them, and all abde idiots follows it coz its mola nu farmaan and not because its Sunnah.

chor saale

[ghulam muhammed]

[img]http://img17.imageshack.us/img17/7113/p9eq.jpg[/img]

[ghulam muhammed]

Pheku Jokes! For the first time..

Ever figure why there are no jokes online about Pheku? So we decided to publish some. In case you know of any more, please feel free to send in your submissions to pheku.in@outlook.com. We can’t pay for them, but if they’re good, we will add them to the treasure trove and share! Meanwhile, have a laugh!

Why does Pheku want Gujarat to be a separate country?

So that he can be Prime Minister.



Why does Pheku want to go to London?

Because he thinks Big Ben will give him money.



What did Pheku say to the English reporter?

“Narmally, I stay abhay from Inglees papers.”



Why does Pheku hate all English papers and channels?

Because he doesn’t know what they are saying, and is suspicious they are spreading the truth about him.



Why did Pheku want the Indian cricket team to be Secular?

Someone told him Secularism meant “India first.”



An optimist thinks the glass is half-filled with water. Why is Pheku an optimist?

Because half of him is filled with Gas, and the other half is all Air.



Why didn’t Pheku want a separate Telangana?

If people in my state can live in harmony with the few puppies left alive after my car ran over the rest, why can’t Telangana walas and Andhra walas live together?



Why was Pheku stacking up cents before addressing the US diaspora on video?

He wanted to show Gujarat’s growth is cent-per-cent.



What was Pheku’s answer when he was asked about his culpability in the 2002 riots?

“Pheku ijja Chep Minister of Gujarat. 60 million peepal have given respansibility, and is my duty to phulfill the aspirations.”

[ghulam muhammed]

Will leave India if Modi becomes PM: U R Ananthamurthy

Bangalore, Sept 16: Jnanpeet Award-winning Kannada writer U R Ananthamurthy has said that he will leave India if Narendra Modi becomes its prime minister.

Calling the Gujarat chief minister communal, Ananthamurthy said "Modi can neither reflect the ancient India nor can he build a model India. I will have no belongingness to India represented by Modi. I, in fact will not like to live in India during that period." He drew the reference of Nehru's Discovery of India and said that anyone with a social consciousness and responsibility will not want him as PM as he does not have the capability to build India of Nehru and Gandhi.

Read more at: http://news.oneindia.in/bangalore/will- ... map=%5B%5D

[ghulam muhammed]

[img]http://img401.imageshack.us/img401/826/o28w.jpg[/img]

[ghulam muhammed]

Narendra Modi celebrates birthday

[img]http://img209.imageshack.us/img209/863/d81v.jpg[/img]

[think]

now every thing is in perspective and everything comes to light. It does not require rocket science to figure out why mansoos and modi are friends.

[ghulam muhammed]

Hindu supremacist Narendra Modi should not be invited to the Commons

The political rise of India's anti-Muslim Modi could spell danger for the region. Approval by British MPs bolsters his position

The far-right Gujarat nationalist, Narendra Modi, is one of the world's most controversial politicians. In 2002, when he was chief minister, Muslims were horrifically massacred in the western Indian state. He is now aiming to become prime minister of India, a huge country with nuclear weapons. It is disturbing that the Labour Friends of India, closely followed by the Conservative Friends of India, have invited him to address MPs in the House of Commons.


Modi is a key figure in the Bharatiya Janata party (BJP), part of a Hindu supremacist movement that many moderate Hindus regard as opposing the core values of their faith. Eleven years ago, Gujarat police stood by or joined in as rioters burnt down homes, raped and killed, supposedly in retaliation for an attack on a train in which Hindus were killed.


The legal system has been slow to bring to justice those responsible for leading the violence, though some have now been convicted. Zakia Jafri, a survivor of a massacre in which her husband and 68 other Muslims were murdered, has been pursuing Modi himself through the courts. Human rights organisations have also raised concerns about dozens of unlawful killings by police in Gujarat.


His admirers are campaigning to make him appear respectable in the eyes of Indians and the international community, allowing him to pursue his ambition to take charge of India. Yet their efforts have been undermined not only by the persistence of human rights supporters, but also by his abrasive personality and defiant extremism. This year he made it clear he feels no guilt about the 2002 riots, comparing the killings to being in a car when a puppy is run over.


Days later he accused the rival Congress party of hiding behind a "burqa of secularism" to cover its failings. His party is also promoting his stance as an unashamed Hindu nationalist. Dissatisfaction with the current government's weaknesses, and a fragmented democratic opposition, may lead sizeable numbers of voters to turn to the BJP. India has the world's second largest population, with 1.2 billion people. Minorities and dissidents would be highly vulnerable if Modi were to become prime minister.


In addition it is a regional power and armed with nuclear weapons. If an anti-Muslim fanatic took control there, this could also destabilise neighbouring Pakistan, with which it has long had a tense relationship. An escalation of hostilities could have devastating consequences for the world.


A visit to the UK and approval by MPs could bolster Modi's international prestige, increasing his chances of winning power. After all, some voters may think, if British leaders regard him as a good choice to lead India, surely his critics must be exaggerating his failings?


Certainly the MPs who have invited him, including Barry Gardiner, Labour MP for Brent North, and Shailesh Vara, Conservative MP for North West Cambridgeshire, do not seem deterred by his grim record and ongoing extremism. Their enthusiasm may prove embarrassing for their parties.


He is the "chief minister of the state in India with which Britain does the most business," Gardiner declared. "He is obviously a key player in Indian politics, and as such he is somebody British politicians need to hear from." The more such invitations he receives, the greater his chances of rising to the top.


The rest of us may be less keen to see him in charge of India, including its armed forces made up of 1.3 million men and women in uniform and an additional million in reserve, and with his finger on the nuclear button.

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfre ... parliament

[Reporter]

Skullcap secularism
For the Jaipur rally, the BJP distributed 5,000 caps and burqas free. Women who normally don’t wear burqas turned up wearing them. It’s been an article of faith for the RSS to denounce Muslims who stress their distinct religious identity instead of accepting what the RSS wants them to: their “Hindu ancestry and cultural heritage.” Muslims in a Maharashtra village were forced to shave off their beards when the RSS conducted one of their many Ram Mandir campaigns in the State in 2001.

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/s ... epage=true

[ghulam muhammed]

We are more than our name: A Gujarati Muslim ponders life under Narendra Modi

I kept waiting for the phone to ring during the Gujarat riots in 2002. The week before I left for India, my father invited his Gujarati Hindu colleague Rupa Aunty for dinner at our house in California. When I was a kid, I tied the rakhibrotherhood bracelet on her son. When my mom was diagnosed with cancer, Rupa Aunty was the first to spend the night with us at the hospital.

“If you need anything at all,” she told me just before I left for India, “my family is from Ahmedabad and we will be there for you.”

I grew up in California mispronouncing names of Gujarati dishes like thepla and my trip to Ahmedabad in 2002 was the first time anyone in my family had returned since my grandparents left Gujarat for Tanzania in the 1920s. This – my father kept reminding me – was my trip “home.”

Twelve days after I arrived as a service corps fellow with the America India Foundation, a train carrying Hindus was attacked in the Gujarat city of Godhra on February 27, 2002. The Gujarat Chief Minister, Narendra Modi, who may well become India’s next prime minister, was quick to blame the attack on Muslims.

The next morning, a Hindu mob carrying swords, torches, and kerosene filled bottles walked on my all-Hindu street in Ahmedabad looking for Muslims – Muslims like me – to kill. They made us shout names of Hindu deities that my parents taught me to say with reverence. In the distance I could see a lone business, owned by a Muslim, up in flames. When the mob passed, I ducked into an internet café and passed the front desk, hoping I would not have to sign in with my unmistakably Muslim name. But a young man stopped me.

“Sir, your good name, please?” he said, handing me a clipboard.

“My name,” I told him, “is Sanjay.”

I closed the curtain in the internet booth and held back tears as I emailed my parents the lie I needed to tell them: yes mom and dad, I am safe.

My father, a devout Muslim whose fondness for Mahatma Gandhi and Hinduism prompted him to give up meat as a young man, kept calling me during the riots.

“Have my friends contacted you? Have they offered to help?”

I did not need to tell him the answer. He knew.

“Just come home,” my father pleaded. India was suddenly alien and would never again be called “home” by anyone in my family.

During the riots I worked in the relief camps of Ahmedabad where tens of thousands of displaced Muslims fought for space and food in spaces half the size of a soccer field. I will never forget 12 year old Sadiq who watched both of his parents burned alive. In my six months working in the relief camps, I never heard him say a word. No one did.

When I returned to the US, the Gandhi picture my dad gave me when I graduated from high school was no longer hanging in my childhood bedroom.

“Gandhi is dead,” my father said.

All I wanted do after the riots was to talk about the riots. I traveled across the US for a year giving lectures. Everywhere I went I carried a small yellow plastic bag filled with newspaper clippings and photos of the homes, mosques, and lives I saw destroyed. When people doubted me, I would open up my bag.

“Here, this is what I saw. It really happened.” But many chose not to listen.

I grew distant from my friends. I stopped watching basketball. I started taking anti-depressants. My smile, friends kept reminding me, disappeared.

I switched my career to human rights and spent nine years working in Washington DC, mostly at Amnesty International. But I kept wondering: what happened to all those children I met like Sadiq who saw so much? How do they – and how do I – move on?

In March 2011, I quit my job as a foreign policy aide in the US Congress and returned to Gujarat for the first time in nine years, against the advice of my psychiatrist.

When I arrived, Hindus would not rent an apartment to me because I am Muslim and Muslims – now more insecure after the riots – told me they did not trust me. I ended up staying with a Hindu friend of mine. But there was one condition: I could not use my real name in the apartment building. Sanjay was back.

I begun conducting interviews and when I explained to Muslims in Ahmedabad that I returned using my own funds to write about the riots – and that the riots filled me with a loneliness that has not yet disappeared – some laughed.

“You are writing about 2002? Write about 2011.”

They have a point. Muslims I interviewed say they want more than justice. They want an end to employment discrimination. They want paved roads. They point out that in the Muslim ghetto of Juhapura where over 350,000 live, there are only six high schools – none of them government run.

But above all, Muslims in Gujarat told me they desire to be treated and viewed by their fellow Indians as Indians.

Last year, I interviewed a man named Nadeem Saiyed who organized survivors of the Narodya Patiya massacre to bear testimony to what they saw. A few months after I interviewed him, he was fatally stabbed 28 times. When I learned of his death, I replayed the audio from our interview. One line continues to haunt me.

“I was born,” he kept saying, “in the Gujarat riots of 2002.”

I hear this all the time. I think this all the time. But sometimes the pressure to “move on” becomes too intense and I fail to say these words.

Yes, the riots are over but the wound continues. Narendra Modi, after all, is popular in Gujarat because of the riots – not – despite the riots.

Today I am back in Gujarat and I live just two blocks away from where Nadeem was stabbed. When I decided to return to Gujarat this year to conduct more research, I was determined to retire “Sanjay” because I am exhausted from inventing a Hindu family that I do not have so that I may live in Gujarat.

After I failed to find an apartment in a Hindu area using my real name, I was forced to live in Juhapura, an area, some say, is the largest ghetto of Muslims in all of India. Police line is the street that functions as the “border” that surrounds this area and many Hindu rickshaw drivers refuse to enter Juhapura because they are “afraid.” On my street, a rickshaw driver, a real estate tycoon, a judge, and a nationally known journalist live side by side. I hear all of them repeat the same thing: “We live here because we have no other choice.”

Today in Juhapura I do not have regular running water in my apartment and my electricity cuts out often – something unusual in most parts, in particular in Hindu-dominated sections of Ahmedabad. When I finally registered my apartment lease with the police, a very kind Hindu officer told me I should be careful.

“The area you are staying is called mini-Pakistan and there are a lot of Pakistan intelligence (ISI) agents in the interiors.”

But it is here, only in this Muslim ghetto, where I feel safe.

I received the keys to my apartment the day before the Muslim celebration of Eid-al-Adha. The next morning I wore a crisp white Muslim style kurta over a pair of pleatless khakis and carried a white prayer skullcap in my hand.

All the men in my building had gathered at the front entrance. One man in his late 70s held his hand out as I came downstairs.

“Young man, I have not heard your complete name.”

I smiled and said the words I had to conceal so many times in Gujarat to survive.

“My full name,” I told him as we walked towards the mosque, “is Zahir Sajad Janmohamed.”

Three British Muslims from Batley, West Yorkshire were killed, and 1 Injured during the Gujarat Riots in February 2002, Last month marked the 11th Anniversary.

The Dawood Family Justice Campaign has been set up to ensure that we:

Compel the Indian Government to investigate the crime properly and thoroughly.

Urge the British Government to make the strongest possible representations; including taking any diplomatic action to ensure that justice is done for those who have been killed in such tragic circumstances.

Explore and mount legal actions where possible in India, Britain or abroad, against those responsible.

Raise funds for any legal, distribution of information and campaign costs.

Please do your part and help raise awareness for this campaign:

Web : http://dawoodcampaign.wordpress.com/

Further Background regarding the events of February 2002.

http://www.1stethical.com/2013/03/01/we ... ndra-modi/

[ghulam muhammed]

A Conspiracy Theory About Modi, Ramdev and Gen. V. K. Singh

In March 2012, I equated General V. K. Singh with the infamous Mir Qasim, whose hunger for power made him an ally of the British as they maneuvered to take control of Bengal in the 18th Century.

It seemed to me that Singh's dash to London immediately after losing a graceless bid to stay a year longer in office pointed, at the very least, to involvement in helping Britain land a major arms contract. His subsequent letter to the Prime Minister declaring India scandalously deficient in military preparedness tended to confirm that reading.

It now turns out that Singh was engaged in something much more treasonous.

A military panel that looked into his activities as Chief of Army Staff (2010 to 2012), has reported that he set up an unauthorized surveillance unit in Delhi to spy on the Defence Minister, and that he misused official funds to try and unseat Chief Minister Omar Abdullah in Kashmir. It has recommended a full-blown criminal investigation.

More must be done, for there are clear signs that the matter is not one of individual malfeasance but of high-level and dangerous political conspiracy. Items:

•The BJP's sudden rush to declare Narendra Modi its Prime Ministerial candidate was patently irrational in the face of serious opposition within the party and concerns about his involvement in the Gujarat killings of 2002. It makes sense only if someone promised an enormous amount of money to buy the 2014 elections and soothe inflated/bruised egos within the BJP.

•The pressure to declare Modi the candidate reportedly came from the RSS and Baba Ramdev. That twinning is significant, for Baba Ramdev has been going around the country meeting with RSS activists, evidently pursuing his dream of a fascist political party in India. As I reported in 2011, Ramdev is a shady multimillionaire who owns an island off Scotland, ideally suited for support from British military intelligence in developing the muscle necessary for that effort. In June 2011, after his "fast unto death" in Delhi turned into comic opera and he was hustled back to Haridwar, Ramdev told the Press he could field an armed force in support of his demands

• Two days after becoming the BJP's 2014 face, Modi appeared with General Singh at a rally in Haryana. This allowed Singh to claim that the leaking of the report by the military panel was punishment for his appearance with Modi. I think it's the other way round: Modi was hastily declared the BJP candidate to allow Singh to make that claim. This points to the possibility that Singh has a weightier role than generally perceived in the conspiracy that is taking shape. Could he be in operational charge of Ramdev's shock troops? Could the British be planning a Hindutva terrorist force in Kashmir with an eye to sparking a larger Indo-Pak conflagration? Modi's bully-boy remarks about Pakistan might not be bluster.

•Baba Ramdev's eight-hour detention at London's Heathrow airport on a "visa issue" was perfect cover for arranging how exactly MI-6 will fund the conspiracy. Modi's television appeal to the Indian diaspora to support him indicates that they have agreed to use the trusty "donations from Rich Hindus abroad" channel. Last time around, "Rich Hindus abroad" ostensibly funded the Ayodhya campaign (which Modi reportedly managed), and before that, "Rich Sikhs" were alleged to be supportive of terrorism in the Punjab. Muzaffarnagar is a clear indication of how British funding will be used to skew the 2014 elections. (Ramdev's detention at Heathrow is being blamed on a "terror suspect" tag surreptitiously attached to his passport by Indian authorities; I don't buy it.)

Civil Society Response

If what I fear turns real we could be facing a communal situation comparable to the Partition era. With that prospect in view, anti-communal activists cannot just be a Greek Chorus commenting on tragedies they are unable to prevent. I think the situation calls for a determined civil society effort to create a national early warning and response system. A computerized network keeping tabs on potential trouble spots and sending out national alerts would allow timely peace efforts and police action. It could stymie any effort to systematically use communal trouble to polarize the electorate.

http://undiplomatictimes.blogspot.in/20 ... amdev.html

[ghulam muhammed]

Advani moulded the political climate by espousing the ideology of Hindutva. He knew that he would not be accepted as prime minister and yielded the palm to Vajpayee in 1995. When his chance came in 2004 the people snubbed him. All his supporters deserted him and rushed to support Modi's anointment. They had no choice. They all dread the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's (RSS) wrath. Its cadres run the organisation and its supremo, Mohan Bhagwat, lays down the law on crucial issues.

Narendra Modi is quintessentially an RSS man having joined it when he was in his teens. The least educated among the BJP leaders, Modi formally joined the RSS in 1971 where he soon made a mark for his exceptional skills as an organiser. He was an Advani favourite and it was Advani who saved his bacon after the massacre of Muslims in Ahmedabad in 2002 when Vajpayee was for sacking Modi as chief minister of Gujarat at the time.

Modi has never looked back. He spread the myth of 'development in Gujarat', won the support of India's big business and industrialists, and acquired a reputation as a 'strongman'. Within the state, he decimated all rivals and demoralised the civil service and the police.

There are some, even within the RSS, who look askance at his highly personalised style of politics; ruthlessness; intolerance of dissent; and proneness to shoot from the hip. But he is a first-rate campaigner and an ardent champion of the RSS' Hindutva ideology in its most extreme form.

His image was not improved when the Supreme Court transferred some of the more important riot cases out of the state with an unflattering but highly significant mention of Nero. There have been scores of 'encounters' by the state police and charges galore of complicity by some in the government.

Some in the BJP will rue the day they extended their support to him. He is certain to personalise the election campaign. He will wage the campaign with no holds barred, presenting himself as Hindutva's mascot defending the country against its enemies within and without.

Advani once foresaw the effect of a narrow ideology on the electorate. In an interview ironically to the RSS organ Panchjanya, in late 1980, he said: "In India a party based on ideology can at the most come to power in a small area. It cannot win the confidence of the entire country - neither the Communist Party nor the Jan Sangh in its original form. The Jan Sangh was initially built as a party based on ideology but slowly it departed from that course. The appeal increased to the extent the ideology got diluted. Wherever the ideology was strong, its appeal diminished."

Balfour wisely warned against this danger: "Let the political parties be reduced to two (admittedly the most convenient number for cabinet government), but let the chasm dividing them be so profound that a change of administration would in fact be a revolution disguised under a constitutional procedure".

That would be enough to wreck parliamentary democracy. The peril acquires added menace if the challenge to the system is posed by a political party wedded to the cult of hate.

—(Courtesy: Dawn)

[ghulam muhammed]

Modi’s Falsification of History cannot Fool the Diaspora

Why did Modi chose the distant Indian diaspora to unload the most absurd claims regarding the achievements of the NDA Government of the 1999-2004 period? Is it because his countrymen wouldn’t buy such falsehood and Modi wanted a faraway audience to gulp down his pill of falsity?

But how does he expect the NRIs who have been living in America since ages to believe that in the years between 2000 to 2004, when the Americans were themselves sunk in the worst crisis of their own after 9/11/2001, the Indian economy would be booming without their FDI? A quick look at the actual data in respect of the Indian economy for the period 1999 to 2013 may make further discussion on the issue quite redundant:

Our purpose is not to applaud the high rates of growth from 2007 to 2011 under the UPA rule but to point out the utter falsity of Modi’s claims. However the figures would indicate that the economic growth achievements during UPA rule were far superior than what was achieved by NDA, contrary to Modi’s claims. The Indian economy is so intimately locked with the Global economy that if any person claims that if BJP is brought to power the Indian economy will turn around by itself, people will laugh at him. Modi is making such a fool out of himself.

He stoops further while addressing the NRIs and claims that Atal Behari tested the first nuclear bomb when it was Indira Gandhi who had actually tested the first nuclear bomb; but neither Indira Gandhi nor Atal Behari Vajpayee brought any glory to our country by doing so. Moreover, what is the message that Modi wants to send to the Americans – that if brought to power, BJP’s Government will test a nuclear bomb for the third time that would send China scurrying?

http://www.truthofgujarat.com/modis-fal ... -diaspora/

[ghulam muhammed]

The unfortunate fact being that there are a sizeable number of people who are willing to believe the development yarn being spun by Modi and his image builders. We as a class of people have a tendency to elevate people to the level of Demi gods and weave a web of fantasy around them. We as a community are escapists ,and seek comfort and refuge in promises made by charlatans be it in the realm of spirituality or economics or politics. Modi is one such charlatan riding the imaginary development wave. The truth being, that all waves crash on the rocks of reality and more sooner than later the Modi wave of development would also meet this fate. The famous words of Abraham Lincoln come to mind " You can fool all people for sometime; Some people all the time; But not, All People All The Time.

[ghulam muhammed]

Modi's Gujarat 'less developed' state: Raghuram Rajan report

Reserve Bank of India (RBI) Governor Raghuram Rajan blew a hole in Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi's Gujarat's development claims as he declared the state as 'less developed' and ranked it at 12th position in overall development, CNN IBN reports.

Rajan's report on overall performance of all 28 states in the country suggests that Gujarat lags behind six Congress ruled states including Karnataka, Maharashtra and Kerala.

http://in.news.yahoo.com/modi-s-gujarat ... 55411.html

[ghulam muhammed]

Some Facts About Narendra Modi :-

Modi has never been to college and his degree is from a correspondence course.

His writing, which is all in Gujarati, is mainly hagiography. It is mediocre (perhaps it will come to wider attention now that he is where he is) and shows little awareness of the world. He has not travelled much outside India. Unfortunately, his English is also poor, which has contributed to leaving his mind unopened because there is little access to the world for the Gujarati-only individual.

Modi would not have reached the position he is in today, within striking distance of becoming the prime minister, in a civilized nation because he isn’t qualified.

[ghulam muhammed]

*હું જ પી.એમ. અને હું જ સી.એમ.*

રોહિત પ્રજાપતિ

હું જ પી.એમ. અને હું જ સી.એમ.

હું જ પી.એમ, હું જ કેબિનેટ, હું જ લોકસભા, અને હું જ રાજ્યસભા.

હું જયાંથી પણ ભાષણ કરુ તે લાલ કિલ્લો.

હું બાવો અને મંગળદાસ પણ નહીં.

હું જ બાવો અને હું જ મંગળદાસ.

હું – આઈ, મી અને માયસેલ્ફ.

હું અને હું જ, બાકી બધા કાંઇ નહીં.

હું નવા સૂત્રોનો સર્જનહાર – પે એન્ડ મિસયુઝ - મિસયુઝ એન્ડ થ્રો

હું નામના પથરા, લાલ કિલ્લા સુધી પહોંચવા માટેનો પુલ બનાવવા,
ચૂંટણી ૨૦૧૪ માં ફેંકો તો તરશે જ તરશે.

હું જ તમારો તારણહાર, બાકી બધા કાંઇ નહીં.

હું નચાવું તેમ બધા નાચો તો જ ચૂંટણી ૨૦૧૪ હિટ.

હું જ ૫૪૨ સીટ પરનો ઉમેદવાર, મારા ઉમેદવારો તો કહેવા પૂરતા જ.

હું કોઈને પણ ચૂંટણીમાં ઊભા રાખું અને ધારુ તેને બેસાડી દઉં.

હું મારા નામે મત માગે તેને જ ઉભા રાખું.

હું જ કમાન્ડ, હું જ હાઈકમાન્ડ અને હું જ ડીકમાન્ડ.

હું જ પક્ષ, હું જ સંઘ, અને હું જ ભારત.

હું મારા પક્ષ, સંઘ, અને ભારતથી પણ મોટો.

હું અને માત્ર હું જ મોટો.

હું ને નમો અને કહો જય નમો, વંદે માતરમ કે ભારત માતા કી જય ત્યાર પછી જ.

હું કોઈને કહું બોલો અને કોઈને કહું ચૂપ.

હું નદીને માતા કહુ, પણ તેને ઉધોગોની ગટર ગણું.

હું નદી, ખાડી, નાળા, તળાવને ઉધોગોની ગટર ગણું.

હું વિકાસ ની ફૂંક મારીને ભૂગર્ભજળ, નદી-તળાવને લાલ, પીળાં કરી દઉં.

હું પ્રદૂષણ ફેલાવતા ઉધોગોનો રખેવાળ.

હું તો છુ જી.ડી.પી.નો જ પૂજારી. મારો ધર્મ જી.ડી.પી,મારા કર્મ જી.ડી.પી.

હું વિનાશ ને વિકાસ કહેવડાવું.

હું વિનાશ કરીને પણ નામ કમાવું.

હું…હું...હું નું જ ગાણું સૌ ગાવ...

રુક જાવ... અમે આ પહેલાં તું-હું નું રાજ જોયું છે, પસ્તાયા છે અને હવે હું નું રાજ જોઈને ફરી પસ્તાવાનો વિચાર નથી.

[ghulam muhammed]

What BJP’s PM-aspirant stands for: Development or riot politics?

Modi’s journey to the top has been paralleled by a similar rise in the frequency of communal incidents

For many, the answer to the above question would appear so obvious they would deem it stupid to even pose it. But since we as a nation have time and again displayed the collective stupidity necessary to reward communal politicking with votes, it might be a useful exercise—in the light of the recent events in western Uttar Pradesh—to examine this question afresh.

Modi’s rise within the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP’s) national hierarchy culminated last week with his selection as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate. His journey to the top has been paralleled by a similar rise in the frequency of communal incidents, especially in north India. As reported by Mint, between 2009 and March 2013, Uttar Pradesh, the state with the highest number of parliamentary seats (80), witnessed 482 incidents of communal violence, “the highest for any state in the country—resulting in 105 deaths”. According to several reports, there is every indication that the Muzaffarnagar conflagration was a “made-to-order riot” aimed at polarizing the electorate along religious lines. This would engineer the precipitation of the BJP and the Samajwadi Party’s core vote banks around the majority and minority religious identities respectively.

In general, the recent resurgence of communal tensions in UP has been blamed on Sangh affiliates—the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). While this is true enough—the RSS is set to open 40 shakhas in every district and has launched a “Hindutva awareness programme"

In Modi, the RSS found the weapon it needed to depose the Advani-Vajpayee regime, which it never forgave for moving away from the core Hindutva agenda. Modi’s coronation as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate is therefore a clear message to the world that the Hindutva agenda is back on centre stage. This can only mean one thing: the ghastly Muzaffarnagar riots are only a foretaste of what is to come.

It is therefore surprising that the link between Modi and the latest conflagration in UP has received little attention. Who is the head of the BJP’s national poll campaign committee? Modi. Who is in charge of BJP’s election campaign in UP? Amit Shah, Modi’s confidant. And what does Amit Shah do best? Does this question even need answering? For the record, India’s minority affairs minister Rahman Khan has stated that “Amit Shah was sent to UP to flare up communal tension”.

if Modi really wants to be taken seriously as a messiah of development who considers all Indians as his brothers and sisters, the least he can do is pay a visit to the riot victims in western Uttar Pradesh, condemn the communal violence (which he has not done still), and express his sympathy for the families who have lost their kith and kin. But it is revealing that Modi, within a week of the communal tragedy, was busy wooing Jat votes in neighbouring Haryana.

The catapulting of Modi onto the national stage thus marks a return to a past that one would have hoped India had outgrown. For now, at least in western UP, it’s yesterday once more. The coming months, and the forthcoming assembly elections in five states, will give us a clearer picture of what direction other parts of India are headed in.

http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/P4Tjalv ... tml?ref=dd

[ghulam muhammed]

*હું જ પી.એમ. અને હું જ સી.એમ.*

રોહિત પ્રજાપતિ

હું જ પી.એમ. અને હું જ સી.એમ.

હું જ પી.એમ, હું જ કેબિનેટ, હું જ લોકસભા, અને હું જ રાજ્યસભા.

હું જયાંથી પણ ભાષણ કરુ તે લાલ કિલ્લો.

હું બાવો અને મંગળદાસ પણ નહીં.

હું જ બાવો અને હું જ મંગળદાસ.

હું – આઈ, મી અને માયસેલ્ફ.

હું અને હું જ, બાકી બધા કાંઇ નહીં.

હું નવા સૂત્રોનો સર્જનહાર – પે એન્ડ મિસયુઝ - મિસયુઝ એન્ડ થ્રો

હું નામના પથરા, લાલ કિલ્લા સુધી પહોંચવા માટેનો પુલ બનાવવા,

ચૂંટણી ૨૦૧૪ માં ફેંકો તો તરશે જ તરશે.

હું જ તમારો તારણહાર, બાકી બધા કાંઇ નહીં.

હું નચાવું તેમ બધા નાચો તો જ ચૂંટણી ૨૦૧૪ હિટ.

હું જ ૫૪૨ સીટ પરનો ઉમેદવાર, મારા ઉમેદવારો તો કહેવા પૂરતા જ.

હું કોઈને પણ ચૂંટણીમાં ઊભા રાખું અને ધારુ તેને બેસાડી દઉં.

હું મારા નામે મત માગે તેને જ ઉભા રાખું.

હું જ કમાન્ડ, હું જ હાઈકમાન્ડ અને હું જ ડીકમાન્ડ.

હું જ પક્ષ, હું જ સંઘ, અને હું જ ભારત.

હું મારા પક્ષ, સંઘ, અને ભારતથી પણ મોટો.

હું અને માત્ર હું જ મોટો.

હું ને નમો અને કહો જય નમો, વંદે માતરમ કે ભારત માતા કી જય ત્યાર પછી જ.

હું કોઈને કહું બોલો અને કોઈને કહું ચૂપ.

હું નદીને માતા કહુ, પણ તેને ઉધોગોની ગટર ગણું.

હું નદી, ખાડી, નાળા, તળાવને ઉધોગોની ગટર ગણું.

હું વિકાસ ની ફૂંક મારીને ભૂગર્ભજળ, નદી-તળાવને લાલ, પીળાં કરી દઉં.

હું પ્રદૂષણ ફેલાવતા ઉધોગોનો રખેવાળ.

હું તો છુ જી.ડી.પી.નો જ પૂજારી. મારો ધર્મ જી.ડી.પી,મારા કર્મ જી.ડી.પી.

હું વિનાશ ને વિકાસ કહેવડાવું.

હું વિનાશ કરીને પણ નામ કમાવું.

હું…હું...હું નું જ ગાણું સૌ ગાવ...

રુક જાવ... અમે આ પહેલાં તું-હું નું રાજ જોયું છે, પસ્તાયા છે અને હવે હું નું રાજ જોઈને ફરી પસ્તાવાનો વિચાર નથી.

(Translation of original Gujarati poem)
I, the PM and I, the CM.
I, the PM, I, the cabinet, I, the Lok Sabha and I also the Rajya Sabha.
The spot from where I speak is the Red Fort.
I - I, me and myself.
I, and I, the others only a nought/cipher.
I, the creator of new slogan – ‘Pay and Misuse - Misuse and Throw’.
The stones named ‘I’, thrown in ‘2014 Election’
will surely bridge the distance to Red Fort.
I, the candidate on 542 seats, the rest only my nominees.
I, decide who will contest and who to be dumped.
I, choose only who seek votes in my ‘name’.
I, the Commander, I the High Command, I also the De-command.
I, the party, I the Sangh, I Bharat.
I, above everything, party, Sangh and Bharat.
I and I alone the biggest, the omnipresent.
Salute the ‘I’, Hail ‘Me’ and only after that
chant ‘Vande Matram’ or ‘Jai Bharat’.
I decide who speaks, who goes silent.
I chant ‘Rivers are mothers’ but convert them at
my whim to cesspool for industries.
I, on my whim turn rivers, valleys, rivulets, lakes and ponds in cesspool.
I, the wizard spell “development”, lo behold all
water, underground, over ground, in rivers, lake turn red and yellow.
I, the protector of poison spewing industries.
I, the worshipper of GDP, my faith GDP, my work GDP.
I, alone can convince destruction as development.
I can alone ride on destruction and be famous.
I, I, I, the only song that all should sing.

``Stop... we have endured the times of all ‘I –
she – he – they’, now do not want to suffer the times of ‘I’.''

[ghulam muhammed]

[img]http://img198.imageshack.us/img198/337/4joy.jpg[/img]



[img]http://img850.imageshack.us/img850/8826/yvij.jpg[/img]



[img]http://img43.imageshack.us/img43/8707/5l19.jpg[/img]

[ghulam muhammed]

CRIMINAL CHARGES AGAINST MODI (SUMMARY)

The Zakia Jafri (supported by Citizens for Justice & Peace) Criminal Complaint against Narendra Modi and 59 Others was ordered to be investigated by the Supreme Court. Zakia Jafri & CJP have been attempting to get serious criminal charges registered and investigated since 8.6.2006.

Extract from written legal submissions submitted to 11th Metro Court Judge BJ Ganatra on dt.18.9.2013 :-

Narendra Modi faces Fifteen Serious Charges of :-

1. Willfully Ignoring Messages from State Intelligence about the Violent Repercussions of the RSS-VHP called ‘Mahayajna’ before the tragic Godhra incident on 27.2.2002 and deliberately not initiating precautionary measures that are imperative under Standard Operational Procedure; messages from 7.2.2002 to 25.2.2002, including specific ones that stated that batches of 2,800 and 1,900 kar sevaks had left for Faizabad-Ayodhya and had been behaving provocatively and aggressively against minorities on the way. As cabinet minister for home and chief minister, he is directly responsible MOS Home Gordhan Zadaphiya is a constant Co-Conspirator.

2. Deliberately concealing knowledge of the provocative, anti-Muslim sloganeering by kar sevaks at the Godhra station when the Sabarmati Express reached five hours late on 27.2.2002, which information had been sent to him directly by DM/Collector Jayanti Ravi and willfully failing to take stern action and allowing violent incidents to escalate after the train left Godhra by about 1.15 p.m. especially at Vadodara station where a Muslim was attacked and killed and at Anand where the train stopped hereafter ensuring that the state allowed a hate-filled and threatening atmosphere against Muslims build right up to Ahmedabad where the train finally reached around 4 p.m. and where bloodthirsty slogans were being shouted. FIRs in 19 brutal incidents against Muslims are recorded on 27.2.2002 in Ahmedabad itself. Curfew was not imposed despite these incidents resulting in deaths breaking out.

3. Conspiring with the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to plot and allow reprisal killings all over Gujarat. The first phone call that Modi makes after DM Ravi’s fax reaches him is, not to appeal for peace and calm, but phone secretary VHP, Gujarat, Dr Jaideep Patel and direct him to Godhra. The Conspiracy between Modi and the VHP is hatched and unfurled to cynically ensure state-wide reprisal killings. Phone call records show these phone calls between PA to Modi AP Patel and Jaideep Patel immediately after the chief minister receives news of the Godhra tragedy. Phone call records made available by Rahul Sharma (IPS, Gujarat) also show that Powerful Accused were in touch with the chief minister’s office (CMO) and the landline numbers of the chief minister.

4. Brazenly supporting the Bandh call called by the VHP and allowing the streets and public spaces of Gujarat to be used for mass attacks and violence. By 12 noon on 27.2.2002, state intelligence and the police were aware of the Bandh call ; the bandh was uses by the police machinery to clear the streets of ordinary citizens so that aggressive mobs could target minority populations and their establishments.

5. Cynically, and illegally allowed Post Mortems Illegally out in the Open at the Railway Yard, Godhra where the burnt and mutilated corpses were laid in full view of an aggressive and irate crowd of RSS and VHP men and women, who were gathered there in violation of Curfew Orders @ Godhra. Deliberately allowing photographs of the burnt corpses to be taken and widely circulated by the RSS-VHP and media in general, despite it being prevented under law;

6. Personally instigating individual RSS-VHP men and women at the railway yard at Godhra assuring them that enough time will be allowed by the Modi-led government and administration to extract a revenge for Godhra.

7. Directing that the unidentified bodies of Godhra train victims should be handed over to Jaideep Patel, a non-governmental person, that too belonging to a supremacist and communal VHP to be brought to Ahmedabad where aggressive funeral processions in full public view were allowed. Modi directed this at a meeting at the Collectorate in the evening of 27.2.2002 before he returned to Gandhinagar. Jaideep Patel was allowed to be present at an official meeting at the Collectorate. Jaideep Patel is a co-conspirator and also facing trial for mass crimes in the ongoing Naroda Gaam case. Modi is specifically guilty of allowing the escalation of violence from Godhra to other parts of Gujarat and taking decisions contrary to law.

8. Specifically instructing his top policemen and administrators not to act evenhandedly in the days to follow and “allow Hindus to vent their anger.” Two senior bureaucrats present at the meeting have stated that cabinet ministers were present at a meeting that went on well past midnight. Haren Pandya, a minister in Modi’s cabinet in 2002 had given evidence of this to the Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal headed by Justice Krishna Iyer and PB Sawant in 2002 itself. Later in 2009 a serving officer from the state intelligence, Sanjiv Bhatt also gave the same evidence before the SIT and the Supreme Court.

9. Preventing the Imposition of Curfew. Curfew was deliberately not imposed at Ahmedabad while over 3,000 RSS workers were allowed to gather at the Sola Civil Hospital where Jaideep Patel arrived with the bodies of the Godhra victims at about 4 a.m. The crowd was aggressive and violent as proved from the police control room records. No steps were taken to disperse the crowd that attacked the hospital staff and doctors, a High Court judge, Violent funeral processions were allowed to wind through the streets of Ahmedabad for several hours at two locations; worst Acharya Giriraj Kishore was given police escort to come and further provoke the aggressive mob; the cremations took place only in the evening and attacks on Naroda Patiya, Naroda Gaam and Gulberg Society where over 200 persons were massacred (and rapes allowed) in broad daylight on the same day, 28.2.2002, while violent and aggressive funeral processions were willfully allowed by Modi and the police and administration.

10. Making a pretence of verbally calling in the Army on the late evening of 28.2.2002 but not actually allowing its deployment in Ahmedabad, Godhra and Bhavnagar and Varodara until 2.3.2002 and 3.3.2002. Worse badly affected districts like Mehsana, Panchmahals, Dahod, Anand, Kheda were not given any Army or Paramilitary at all.

11. Fourteen out of Gujarat’s 25 districts were allowed to burn as Ministers were specifically deployed by Modi to interfere with Police functioning and sit in the State Control Room and Ahmedabad City Control Room; in Eleven Districts where Violence was controlled, the Police Officers in Charge were given Punitive Transfers to send a Political Message. Modi heads the Home department that bends the Police Bureaucracy and Police to his Will.

12. Modi allowed violence to continue unabated until early May 2002 when KPS Gill was sent by PM Vajpayee to the state; the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), April and July 2002 and Central Election Commission (CEC) were misled about the spread and intensity of violence. This was willful subversion of the justice system.

13. Partisan prosecutors belonging to the RSS-VHP were appointed to ensure that cases were killed in their infancy; bail was easily granted to powerful accused until the Supreme Court stepped in, in 2003 and 2004. Two trials, the Best Bakery trial and the Bilkees Bano cases were transferred out of the state.

14. Hate Speech was indulged in by Modi himself, on 27.2.2002 and right until the infamous Becharaji speech made top set off his election campaign on 9.9.2002 and also cynically permitted by the Home Department under him to spread poison and incite violence against Muslims and Christians. The State Intelligence under ADGP-Int RB Sreekumar had specifically recommended prosecution of the VHP for a series of incendiary pamphlets but this was ignored. SP Bhavnagar, Rahul Sharma too had recommended the prosecution of Sandesh, the Gujarati mainstream newspaper for publishing false and provocative photographs and reports. Both the NHRC and Editor’s Guild had also strongly recommended prosecution of those guilty of hate speech. Modi had, instead sent congratulatory letters to those newspapers who had spread lies and venom. RB Sreekumar, Rahul Sharma and Sanjiv Bhatt are among the officers persecuted by the Gujarat government under Modi (home minister).

15. Modi is guilty of ordering the Destruction of Crucial documents including Wireless Intercepted Messages, Vehicle logs, Police Control Room records and others on 30.3.2008, four days after the Supreme Court appoints the Special Investigation Team (SIT) on 26.3.2008. He has headed the Home ministry portfolio since that date.

[ghulam muhammed]

BJP leads the list of MPs with Criminal Records in the Indian Parliament

http://www.truthofgujarat.com/bjp-leads ... arliament/

[AMAFHH]

https://www.facebook.com/video/video.ph ... 3363598915

Watch this Video ,
i am Really Ashamed of the Bohri's (KOTHAR & DAI) who are supporting the Yazeed of Gujarat ,
and still they say they Love Ahlulbayt (A.S)

[badrijanab]

https://www.facebook.com/video/video.ph ... 3363598915

Watch this Video ,
i am Really Ashamed of the Bohri's (KOTHAR & DAI) who are supporting the Yazeed of Gujarat ,
and still they say they Love Ahlulbayt (A.S)

Shiyane Ali are ashmed of Khumeni who make his gullible Ithna Asheri call him Spirit of Allah (Roohullah)!

Marja of Ithna Asheri is ditto same as Kothar. Both are in business of conning un-knowledgeable followers. Marja and Ayatollahs take 20% of Ithana's annual income in the name of their Imam (Khums) and pocket the same because no one knows for past 1200 years where Ithana's 12th Imam is?

[ghulam muhammed]

The shape of words to come

If we were to apply the new bisyllabic rule of political nick-naming (pioneered by NaMo and unpersuasively mimicked by RaGa) to modern Indian history, Twitter timelines would know Mohandas Gandhi as MoGa and Jawaharlal Nehru as JaNe. Apart from bad jokes about TarZan, this would have added little to our understanding of these men.

What follows is a lexical sampler, a handful of words that are looking for traction, for purchase, in desi usage and sometimes finding it.

modi~fy: to shift the blame for violence on to its victims. Thus, ‘Amit began to modify the history of the Gujarat pogrom in 2002.’ This transference can be helped along by the use of the dangling modi~fier and its uncanny knack of recasting victims as passive-aggressors: ‘Eyes bloodshot, hoarse with vengeful shouting, the ghetto was burnt to the ground by the mob.’ Bloodshot, vengeful ghettoes aren’t likely to attract much sympathy even if they are burnt to the ground.

modi~fication: the parent process, the projected transformation of India into Pakistan.
modi~fication can also be used as a generic term for majoritarian transition, the conversion of a country into a state owned by its religious majority. Thus, Sri Lanka under the Rajapakse government becomes a nation where modification is complete.

modi~cum: an infinitesimally small, therefore negligible, quantity of anything good. Thus ‘a modicum of tolerance’; ‘a modicum of kindness’; ‘a modicum of humanity’ etc.

modi~sh: a sense of style centred on half-sleeved orange kurtas with Chinese collars. ‘Six modish men with furry arms sat round a small table at the Centre, speaking of Turks and Trojan horses.’ This is a narrow definition but the sartorial evolution of homo Hinducus is in its infancy and variations on modishness are a likely contingent on electoral victory.

dé~modé: ideologically out of fashion. ‘Faced by row after row of modish men, Lal Krishna felt the pain of being de trop and démodé.’

modi~ste: a fashionista committed to modish couture; sometimes used metaphorically to describe majoritarian grande dames. ‘Two mature modistes slaved to make the schooling of minorities seem exciting and reasonable.’ Modistes are particularly valuable members of the majoritarian vanguard because they help deflect charges of patriarchy, misogyny and (given that modistes are mostly anglophone) provincialness.

modi~um: the odium that attaches to bigotry. This is an ugly neologism likely to become obsolete should the NDA become a durable governing coalition.

im~modi~um: an emergency remedy for the queasiness and bowel-shifting unease occasionally experienced by the newly modified.

Modi~glani: medieval Sindhi artist whose principal themes are shame, guilt and their expiation.

modi~Luft: 1. a flying modi (defunct) 2. Kal-El (re-costumed in saffron suit, swastika decal and contrasting shorts).

cap~itulate: to attend a BJP rally in a skull cap.

re~cap~itulate: to attend a BJP rally in a skull cap having previously attended an SP rally in a skull cap.

Modi~nagar: sangh parivar slang for Delhi (esp. Gujarat).

com~modi~ties: items associated with the schooling of minorities: trishuls, clubs etc.

com~modi~ous: a spaciousness at once expansive and oppressive, viz., gladiatorial arenas, colosseums etc. The Nuremberg rallies, for example, can be reasonably described as ‘commodious’, i.e., both massive and odious. ‘As it filled with the half-pant cadres of the Family, the Ram Lila Maidan felt more and more commodious.’

com~modi~fied: to become communal for a consideration. ‘Some are born communal, some become communal, but most are just commodified’.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1131004/j ... Uk44rRZpvL

[AMAFHH]

https://www.facebook.com/video/video.ph ... 3363598915

Watch this Video ,
i am Really Ashamed of the Bohri's (KOTHAR & DAI) who are supporting the Yazeed of Gujarat ,
and still they say they Love Ahlulbayt (A.S)

Shiyane Ali are ashmed of Khumeni who make his gullible Ithna Asheri call him Spirit of Allah (Roohullah)!

Marja of Ithna Asheri is ditto same as Kothar. Both are in business of conning un-knowledgeable followers. Marja and Ayatollahs take 20% of Ithana's annual income in the name of their Imam (Khums) and pocket the same because no one knows for past 1200 years where Ithana's 12th Imam is?

brother
I think you are frustrated with the DAI and do not have anything else to say ,
and arguing with you will be as "BHAIN'S KE AAGAY BEEN BAJANA "

[badrijanab]

Shiyane Ali are ashmed of Khumeni who make his gullible Ithna Asheri call him Spirit of Allah (Roohullah)!

Marja of Ithna Asheri is ditto same as Kothar. Both are in business of conning un-knowledgeable followers. Marja and Ayatollahs take 20% of Ithana's annual income in the name of their Imam (Khums) and pocket the same because no one knows for past 1200 years where Ithana's 12th Imam is?

brother
I think you are frustrated with the DAI and do not have anything else to say ,
and arguing with you will be as "BHAIN'S KE AAGAY BEEN BAJANA "

Your reply is proof of your inability to counter truth I exposed about your vulnerable maslaq.

[ghulam muhammed]

Temple, Toilet and Sangh Politics

Ram Puniyani

After a long campaign the RSS combine succeeded in demolishing Babri Mosque on 6th December 1992. While Advani was the lead person in the whole phenomenon, there were many RSS swayamsevaks who formed the foundation of
this dastardly act, one of them being Narendra Modi, the BJP’s current Prime Ministerial candidate. The importance given to this identity issue, temple issue, undermined the real issues baying at society for solution. This temple issue was too compelling for Advani-Modi and company. It undermined the issues of society related to survival. At that time many a magazines carried the surveys as to what should be built at the site of demolition. Many a people said that either an educational institute or a hospital or sanitation facilities should be built at the site.

Kanshiram, the leader of Bahujan Samaj Party strongly put forward the case for a urinal being constructed at the site. Somewhere on the parallel lines a couple of years ago, Jairam Ramesh the union Cabinet minister said that toilets are more important than temples. On similar lines Modi recently (October 2013) said that he regards Shauchalay (Toilet) should precede Devalay (Temple). When Ramesh had made his statement Modi associates, the Sangh activists urinated and also kept urine bottles in front of Ramesh’s house. BJP spokespersons went on to accuse Ramesh of destroying the fine fabric of faith and religion in the country. This time around, when Modi has made this statement, those spokespersons are silent, while Praveen Togadia has criticized Modi. Other Sangh progeny has kept mum on the issue. Many a commentators have come forward to uphold Modi’s statement saying that this is the soft side of Hindutva, and this is what is needed and will help the BJP to increase its electoral strength. Jairam Ramesh again states (Oct 2013) that in the forthcoming elections Congress has to fight against RSS not BJP.

For the commentators, saying that this is liberal side of Hindutva, it should be clear that the elections are overall coordinated not by BJP but by RSS. It is all the RSS progeny which comes together to put in their best for BJP’s prospects. So while Modi will be projecting that for him now, after Babri demolition two decades ago, toilet is more important than the temple. This surely is a very tactical move. RSS operates at various levels at the same time. It has a clever internal division of labor as per which the VHP can keep the issue of Ram Temple alive, its other wings can reap the harvest of communal violence by polarizing the society, and its supportive structures will play the role of Goebbels to create the image of Modi as the man committed to development, as an efficient man, good administrator and what not.

In the next elections RSS is going to use multiple strategies. One, to polarize the society through violence and through keeping alive the issue of Ram temple. Second it is going bank heavily on twin propaganda around Modi, the Gujarat model of development and Modi’s own leadership qualities, i.e. his autocratic style of functioning. For this purpose if Modi is talking about development and toilets it is again a very clever mover. Modi built himself up by polarizing the Gujarat society through post Godhra carnage. During all these years he played the subtle Hindutva agenda of marginalizing the minorities, as is evident in the prevalent conditions in Gujarat. Having consolidated this polarization as a state policy, he changed gears. As the Gujarat society got polarized due to this carnage, his tune was changed to the one of development. This development claims have been punctured by the statistics from various sources. The latest one being that every third child in Gujarat is malnourished. This is the revelation of the findings of the Comptroller and Auditor General. So many other statistics have burst the myth of Gujarat development.

Jairam Ramesh, in saying that the Congress will be fighting against RSS in the forthcoming elections is correct but this is a very obvious statement. While as per him, RSS will be fought against in the next elections as RSS is controlling BJP. This became obvious as RSS directly imposed president and prime ministerial candidate on BJP. This is part of the story. As a seasoned and senior politician he should know that BJP’s core and main leadership is constituted by RSS swayamsevaks. Atal Bihari Vajpeyee in his Staten Island speech in United States had stated this in so many words, saying that he is first a RSS swayamsevak and then anything else. The pattern of RSS functioning is such that it trains the swaymsevaks, into the Hindu Rashtra ideology and then these trained swayamsevaks undertake different assignments for building Hindu nation, the agenda of RSS. All the RSS progeny is manned by these swayamswvaks. The core leadership of these organizations in turn is coordinated by RSS. So Modi can talk of toilets, Togadiaya can stick to temples, someone at lower level can upload a video on mobiles to instigate the communal violence, while someone else can work in saffronizing text books or undertaking the massive plays like Janata Raja, a play on Shivaji, which is built around communal projection of History. The swayamsevaks, seeped in ideology of Hindu Rashtra also infiltrate into state organizations. One hopes that the major electoral party, which should stand for pluralism, knows its truth in totality. This party should also know that RSS control and coordination of the politics is not just though electoral means. It is multi pronged through different mechanisms.

So the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram or Samajik Samrasta Manch may be working in remote areas doing social engineering, still they make the foundation of RSS agenda. In that sense electoral politics is a small part of the enterprise of RSS work, which by now has infiltrated all aspect of our social and political life. This agenda of RSS, Hindu Nation or what can be popularly called Hindu Pakistan, is of course against the ethos of Indian diversity, it is for an authoritarian elite dominated society, and this is for the agenda of domination of a section of Hindus, while talking of the interests of all Hindus.

This work of RSS has gone up from last three decades and its infiltration in different pores of society goes up by leaps and bounds once the state is ruled by BJP. That's what happened when BJP led NDA was ruling the country from 1998 to 2004. That’s what is happening in different states ruled by BJP. The likes of Jairam Ramesh, if they have woken to this stark reality of our body politic, it is welcome but this fact has been very obvious to those who have been trying to understand the phenomenon of RSS politics. So for those political elements who are interested in upholding democracy, pluralism and the values of Indian Constitution, it is not adequate just to think of the menace of religious nationalism, just at the times of elections. It is a battle, which has to be fought at all the times, more at the times of elections surely, in the arena of culture, literature, art and every other aspect of the life of the Indian nation.

[ghulam muhammed]

Hindutva Lies : Ask BJP/RSS/Modi what they think about the killing of Gandhiji

"RSS has never backed Godse:" The Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh consistently lashes out at some “vested political interests” for taking recourse to lie and calumny to malign “patriotic and nationalist” organisations.” Commenting on an advertisement highlighting a quote allegedly of RSS chief Rajendra Singh, general secretary H.V.Seshadri said,
“The RSS has never supported the act of Nathuram Godse.” (1999). A similar discourse is audible today.

The fascist agenda of the RSS has always justified the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi. Enclosed is the entire text of a letter written by none less than Sardar Vallabhai Patel, independent India’s first union home minister commenting on RSS activities following Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination. The entire text is invaluable. He says clearly, “The RSS men expressed joy and distributed sweets after Gandhiji’s death.”

Information like this needs to be disseminated as widely as possible. So that it can be used in a variety of fora.

Sardar Vallabhai Patel, union home minister, to Guru Golwalkar, RSS chief in a letter written on September 11, 1948. The letter is quoted in full in Desraj Goel’s *Rahstriya Swayamsevak Sangh.*The entire Text :

Aurangzeb Road,
New Delhi,

11th Sept. 1948

Brother Sri Golwalkar,

Received your letter dated 11th August. Jawaharlal has also sent me your letter of the same date.

You are very well aware of my views on the RSS. I have expressed these thoughts at Jaipur in December last month at Lucknow in January. The people had welcomed those views. I had hoped that your people also would accept them. But they appear to have no effect on the RSS persons, nor was there any change in their programmes. There can be no doubt that the RSS did service to the Hindu Society. In the areas where there was the need for help and organisation, the young men of the RSS protected women and children and strove much for their sake. No person of understanding could have a word of objection regarding that. But the objectionable part arose when they, burning with revenge, began attacking Mussalmans. Organising Hindus and helping them is one thing but going in for revenge for its sufferings on innocent and helpless men, women and children is quite another thing.

Apart from this, their opposition to the Congress, that too of such virulence, disregarding all considerations of personality, decency or decorum, created a kind of unrest among the people. All their speeches were full communal poison. It was not necessary to spread poison and "enthuse" the Hindus and organise for their protection. As a final result of the poison, the country had to suffer the sacrifice of the valuable life of Gandhiji. Even an iota of sympathy of the Government or of the people no more remained for the RSS. In fact the opposition grew. Opposition turned more severe, *when the RSS men expressed joy and distributed sweets after Gandhiji’s death.* Under these conditions it became inevitable for the Government to take action against the RSS.

Since then, over six months have elapsed. We have hoped that after this lapse of time, with full and proper consideration the RSS persons would come to the right path. But from the reports that come to me, it is evident that attempts to put fresh life into their same old activities are afoot. I once again ask you to give your thought to my Jaipur and Lucknow speeches and accept the path I had indicated for the RSS. I am quite certain that therein lies the good of the RSS and the country and moving in that path we can join hands in achieving the welfare of our country. Of course, you are aware that we are passing through delicate times. It is the duty of every one from the highest to the lowliest in this country to contribute his mite, in whatever way possible, to the service of the country. In this delicate hour there is no place for party conflicts and old quarrels. I thoroughly convinced that the RSS men can carry on their patriotic endeavor only by joining the Congress and not by keeping separate or by opposing. I am glad that you have been released. I hope that you will arrive at the proper decision after due consideration of what I have said above. With regard to restrictions imposed upon you I am in correspondence with the CP Government. I shall let you know after receiving their reply.

Yours,

VALLABH BHAI PATEL

(Rendered from the original in Hindi)

Justice on Trial: Historic Document of Guruji-Government Correspondence, pp. 26-8;

N.B. This letter also, incidentally, clarifies the misunderstanding created that the Sardar had invited them to join the Congress; the invitation is for rethinking and change of heart and then giving it a concrete shape by merger into the Congress. The same thing JP tried to accomplish later and failed.

Another quote from Sardar Patel:

“As regards the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha… our reports do confirm that, as a result of the activities of these two bodies, particularly the former (RSS) an atmosphere was created in the country in which such a ghastly tragedy became possible.”

Sardar Vallabhai Patel, union home minister to Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, who later founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, in a letter on July 18, 1948.
Sardar Patel Correspondence,
Volume 6,
edited by Durga Das.

[ghulam muhammed]

Reasons for Narendra Modi's deafening silence over convicted politicos

The Ordinance to protect convicted politicians has already been torn up and thrown out on the orders of Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi. But, the debate over convicted politicians refuses die down. One question, everyone is still asking: "Why is Narendra Modi silent? Why is he not saying a word on this?"

Modi, the BJP's prime ministerial candidate would definitely have made it a big issue, if his own government did not have convicted ministers.

A senior minister in the Modi government, Babubhai Bokhiria has been convicted by a court in Porbander for illegal limestone mining. He is now out on bail after challenging his conviction in the Gujarat High Court.

Modi needs a strongman like Bokiria to keep his votes intact. A staunch supporter of Modi, he is facing 47 serious criminal cases.

It is not just one minister; a few others are also facing serious charges.

Amit Shah, Modi's former minister of state, home and currently BJP's general secretary in-charge for Uttar Pradesh. He is out on bail after being accused of involvement in Sohrabuddin Sheikh and Tulsiram Prajapati fake encounter cases.

Maya Kodnani, a former minister in the Modi government, has been convicted in the massacre of 97 people during the 2002 post-Godhra riots in Naroda Gam and Naroda Patia. She has been sentenced to 28 years in jail.

Purushottam Solanki, the Koli (fishermen community) strongman's name figures in the Srikrishna Commission report on the 1993 Mumbai riots. He allegedly led the mobs. A former TADA detainee, he is also charged in Gujarat's Rs 400 crore fishing scam.

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/reasons-for- ... 37-64.html