Renowned Hindi author Asghar Wajahat's book 'Main Hindu huuN' is a collection of stories that mainly address communalism and other social issues.
The last chapter titled 'Shah Alam Camp ki ruuheN' is a series of ten mini stories and a few of them were posted in some blogs, which have caused a stir.
When night descends on Shah Alam camp, the children don't fall asleep. They wait for the spirits of their dead parents...Siraj asked his mother, 'how are you?', She looked happy. Now I am a spirit, a soul, nobody can set me afire...Siraj said, 'mother can I become like you?'
...saaraa camp jab so jaata hai to bachche jaagte hai, unhen intezaar rahtaa hai apni maa ko dekhne kaa....abba ke saath khaana khaane ka....'kaise ho Siraj'. Amma kii ruuh ne Siraj ke sar par haath pherte hue kahaa.
tum kaisii ho amma?
maa khush nazar aa rahii thii, bolii, Siraj, ab main ruuh huun..ab mujhe koi jalaa nahin sakta
'Amma kyaa main bhii tumhaari tarah ho saktaa hun?'
Another one:
Shah Alam camp mein aadhi raat ke baad roohen aati hain. roohen apne bachchon ke liye swarg se khaanaa laati hai. paani laati hai, davaayen laati hai aur bachcho ko detii hai. Yahii wajah ahi ki Shah Alam camp mein na to koi bachcha nanga bhuka rahta hai aur na bimar.
yahi wajah hai ki Shah Alam camp ab bohat mash'huur ho gaya hai. Duur Duur mulkon mein uskaa naam hai. Delhi se ek bade netaa jab daure par gaye to bohat khush ho gaye...aur bole 'yeh to bahot badhia jagah hai..yahaan to desh ke sabhii musalman bachchon ko pahunchaa dena chahiye'.
Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
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ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
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ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Press Release
3.7.2013.
Giving a comprehensive overview of arguments for Conspiracy to Commit Mass Murder against Narendra Modi and 59 Others, counsel for Zakia Ahsan Jafri, Mihir Desai argued today that the Issue before the Court is whether the events after the Godhra carnage. that included mass reprisal attacks where thousands of innocents members of the minority were massacred, raped and killed were
(a) spontaneous outpouring of people’s anger;
(b) which could not have been anticipated, prevented or controlled or it is likely that
(a) they were part of a conspiracy which was hatched by certain people in power politically and administratively to create an environment whereby targeted violence was allowed to be unleashed on the minority community;
Besides
(b) in carrying out this conspiracy or otherwise certain public servants including Ministers, police, bureaucracy or other individuals aided and abated the events. The entire team of advocates with Citizens for Justice & Peace along with its Secretary, Teesta Setalvad were present before the Metropolitan Magistrate 11th Court today,
Moreover Desai argued that
The Political head of the state, home ministry and administration were in full knowledge of and allowed the Build Up of Aggressive and Communal sentiments, Violent Mobilisations including carrying of Arms and a general outpouring against the Minority Community before 27.2.2002
During the course of our arguments from the documents generated by SIT we will show that (said Mihir Desai)
(a) there was a Conspiracy amongst the persons named or some of them to generate hatred towards the minority community either by an active participation in this generation or by an omission to act against the perpetrators though they were legally bound to do so. In this connection we will show that the persons named are not merely Constitutionally but also legally forbidden from acting or omitting to act in a manner they did;
(b) There was a conspiracy not just to generate hatred towards the minority community but also to commit targeted violence against the person, property and religious places of the minority community and aiding and abetting this
process by acts and omissions of persons liable under law to act otherwise.
(c) We will prove that the aiding abetting was being done prior to the Godhra incident of 27.2.2002 in terms of (i) hate speech being generated;
(ii) no action being taken against the provocation despite intelligence reports
(d) We will prove that the conspiracy was generated immediately after the Godhra incident through (i) directly collaborating with the the Vishva Hindu Parishad (ii) Creating a situation of generating hatred against minority community through
· the manner of dealing with the dead bodies of Kar Sevaks
· The manner of conducting the post mortems
· Allowing the bodies to be photographed
· Handing over the bodies to a private individuals
· The manner in which bodies were brought to Ahmedabad
· The manner in which funeral processions were taken
· The infamous meeting in the evening of 27.2.2002 where certain instructions were given
· The declaration of Bandh on 28.2.2002 and the support given to it by the ruling party
· The complete lack of preventive arrests
· The deliberate delay in declaring Curfew and Violation of Curfew Orders willfully thereafter
· Speeches of the Chief Minister on 27.2.2002 and 28.2.2002 and speeches of other political figures
· The failure to take measures against hate speech
· Ministers occupying Police Control Rooms
· The manner in which fabricated FIRs were created
· The delay in deploying the army
· The manner of dealing with internal refugees and their relief camps
· The protection of police officers who participated or aided or abated in the conspiracy and victimization of those who did not so participate
(e) We will also prove that the failures by the political and administrative machinery were not just departmental lapses but were criminal offences in respect of which each of the accused needs to be criminally prosecuted
(f) We will show that the existing investigation carried out by the SIT is highly inadequate, at times misdirected and is by and large a cover up job.
(g) We will also show that despite this, the documents collected or sent to the SIT even at present make out a case for prosecution.
Mihir Desai also read out from a Comprehensive list of Dates attached that showed that since the filing of the Zakia Jafri Complaint on 8.6.2006, Operation Kalank, the Sting Operation by Tehelka (October 2007) had provided further evidence of Conspiracy* (attached)*. Ashish Khetan the journalist who recorded the extra judicial confessions, was made a prosecution witness in the Naroda Patiya Case, Gulberg case and Naroda Gaam case. The Naroda Patiya judgement delivered on 29.8.2012 used the Tehelka Tapes authenticated by the CBI has strong and reliable corroboratory evidence. How asked Desai could this evidence be relied upon by the SIT in one set of investigations be summarily discarded by the SIT in the Zakia Jafri case, simply was it because the accused was Narendra Modi?
Listed below are the significant aspects of the Tehelka’s sting Operation and also the *SIT’s lame denial of the evidence is also attached.
LIST OF DATES
3.7.2013
EVIDENCE FROM TEHELKA STING OPERATION BUILD UP OF ARMS AND AMMUNITION BEFORE THE GODHRA INCIDENT (27.2.2002) from TEHELKA’S STING OPERATION
Before 27.2.2002
Before 27.2.2002 in the interview conducted in the sting Operation Kalank Haresh Bhatt, then BJP MLA from Godhra states that there was a well plant conspiracy to import large quantity of ammunition from outside Gujarat and also to ensure weapons within the State. (One Rohit Sharma (VHP Treasurer as being the part of the core team (Para 247, pages 120-121 of the Protest Petition).
Dhawal Jayantilal Patel, then VHP District Convener, Sabarkantha also tells Tehelka that he is a registered holder of dynamite which is used for quarrying in the district. He says in his interview recorded during the Sting Operation that he along with some other parsons has been trained to make bombs. He says that they make desi bombs that were then distributed and used in various areas
(Para 251 at page 123 of the Protest Petition).
Haresh Bhatt Statement before SIT dated 29.3.2010 Annexure I Volume II, Sr Nos 116 SIT Records/Papers)
Amish Patel , VHP Vibhag Pramukh, Sabarkantha also interviewed during the sting operation states that bombs were being smuggled in from Sabarkantha to Ahmedabad from quarries owned by VHP workers. Amish Patel also explains
how sections of the Gujarat police , for example N.D. Solanki , then SP of Sabarkantha were full fledged supporters of the VHP. Amish Patel states that Solanki gave him full support and enabled the quick release of Arvind Soni, a VHP leader. Despite these leads given in the sting operation, SIT deliberately chose to ignore this evidence and in fact raises questions about the authenticity of the sting operation.
(The SIT appears to have accepted the contentions Haresh Bhatt given in his statement dated 29.3.2010. The accused gave an improbable explanation that though he had mentioned of the facts contained in the interview and he
confirmed his photographs and voice the facts were only spicy material given to Mr. Khetan and not based on the facts. The SIT does not cross examine him about it, nor do they cross examine A-1 Chief Minister Narendra Modi or other higher functionaries. The SIT did not investigate the matter of arms and ammunitions being manufactured and distributed by VHP any further.
Similarly the SIT has accepted the statement of N.D. Solanki, former S.P. of Sabarkantha in 2002 recorded on 17.1.2010 without any further interrogation.
They have not gone into the details of the fax message contained in the annexures to Sreekumar’s affidavit. (Annexures I Vol.II, Sr.No.116 is the statement recorded of Haresh Bhatt and Sr.No.70 Annexure I Vol.II is the statement of N.D. Solanki in the SIT papers).
The then VHP Zilla Mantri from Kalupur, Ahmedabad, Ramesh Dave states in his interview recorded during the sting operation that he took the DCP S.K. Gadvi to the terrace of a locked house in Kalupur after Gadvi told him that there was several Muslims who have assembled nearby and he wanted them to “save them being stranded” once on the terrace, Gadvi started firing and before they knew he had gilled 5 persons. Dave also claims in his interview that “all the policemen helped us and they even gave us cartridges.
(Para 257 at pages 125-126 of the Protest Petition).
The SIT deliberately and willfully did not give due weightage to the extra judicial confession contained in the sting operation that amounted to direct evidence against A-1 Chief Minister Narendra Modi and several other co conspirators. The SIT ignored this evidence despite the authentication of the Tehelka tapes by the CBI thanks to the order passed by the NHRC in early 2008.
(Copy of the NHRC Order dated 5.3.2008, CBI authentication of the Telhelka tape, page 133-136 in annexure Vol I of the Protest Petition).
(Annexure III File XV, D-157, Pages 1 – 188 is the Entire CBI Investigation in the SIT Records/Papers)
The Sessions Court, herein Naroda Patiya gives that till its judgment convicting 31 persons on 29.8.2002 is devoid of entire charger to the Tehelka tapes. The Ld. Sessions court had used the authenticated Tehelkatapes as corroborative evidence following eye witnesses accounts that was the primary evidence in this case.
(Para 920-922 at Pages 413–414 of the Protest Petition). (Para 899-910 at pages 397-398 of the Protest Petition).
Accused (No. 22) in the Naroda Patiya case Suresh Langda Chara has now been convicted by a Judgement of the Sessions Court dated 29.2.2012 despite SIT deliberately ignoring the corroborative evidence contained in the Sting
Operation.
Police Control Room Records supplied by former CP Ahmedabad PC Pande after 15.3.2011 when the Supreme Courts orders further investigation, records on 27.2.2002 (Serial Nos 1, Page Nos 7126 at @ Annexure IV File XVII (6941-7368)1:…hours that “ Informer, Ashokbhai has given information to the police about a truck loaded with arms and ammunition at Rakhiyal near Char Rasta Ahmedabad Annex IV File XVII (6941 to 7368) in SIT Papers also put in
Annexure Volume I with the Protest Petition—Table: Arms Collection in Ahmedabad on 27/2/02
Transcripts at Annexure III, File XIII, D-129, Pages 1–492,of the SIT Record/Papers)
Excerpts of Relevant Portions of the Naroda Patiya Judgement, Ashish Khetan’s Statement before the SIT dated 27.8.2009 @ Annexure I, Volume I, Serial Nos 15, Pages 87-92 of the SIT Papers & PCR Message @ Annexure IV File XVII (6941-7368) of the SIT Papers is handed over to the Court as Annexure A Colly
1645 hours – 1945 hours
27.2.2002 Godhra
TEHELKA STING ON NARENDRA MODI
Strong corroboratory evidence against the role played by A-1Modi at Godhra is provided by in the Extra Judicial Confessions contained in the Tehelka Tapes that has been deliberately ignored by the SIT. One Rajendra Vyas who had been travelling on the Sabarmati express train stated in the sting operation, Operation Kalank “He (Mr. Modi) first said that we would take revenge…the same thing I myself had said publicly…I hadn’t even eaten anything then…hadn’t even had a drop of water…I was in such a rage that so many people had died, tears were flowing from my eyes but when I started using my strength…I started abusing…he (Mr. Modi) said, Rajendrabhai, calm yourself, everything will be taken care of…what did he mean when he said everything would be taken care of?...all those who were meant to understand, understood..” (Para 116 of the Protest Petition)
Further, a former MLA and chief auditor of MS University of Vadodara, Dhimant Bhatt has also stated in the Tehelka tapes, “After Godhra, there was this reaction and a certain climate was created in the parivar by the top leaders, meaning the RSS, the VHP, the Bajrang Dal, the BJP and the Durga Vahini…and in that we had Mr. Narendra Modi’s support…let people say what they like (we had) support in the sense that if Hindus are going to be burnt like this….if conspiracies are going to be hatched to burn Hindus…they wanted to burn the whole train (the Sabarmati express)…and now if we don’t do anything, if we don’t generate an adequate reaction, another train will be set on fire…this was the idea, the thought that came from him (Mr. Modi)…I was present in the meeting…some 50 people like myself had
special permission from the Police Commissioner (A-48, then Commissioner of Police, Mr. DD Tuteja) to move in curfew areas to help…in order to maintain the peace and law and order…that was just an excuse…I am very open…clear
(about it)…but how we were to help the Hindus? At that time, there wasn’t even a stick of wood in Hindu homes. So what were we to do?...we took iron pipes…three feet each…iron bars, and if there were people from the Bajrang Dal, then trishuls…the Bajrang Dal people had a plan for putting together the saamaan (weapons) and we went and supplied them to key persons in various localities…it was very necessary…”
(Para 119 of the Protest Petition, Volume I; Tehelka Transcripts at Annexure III, File XIII, D-129, Pages 1–492,of the SIT Record/Papers)
Statements of Arvind Pandya statement dated 21.11.2009, Rameshchandra Dave, VHP member statement dated 10.4.2011, Rajendra Vyas, RSS Swayamsevak dated 10.4.2011, Dhawal Patel statement dated 12.4.2011 handed over to the Court as Annexure B Colly
3.7.2013.
Giving a comprehensive overview of arguments for Conspiracy to Commit Mass Murder against Narendra Modi and 59 Others, counsel for Zakia Ahsan Jafri, Mihir Desai argued today that the Issue before the Court is whether the events after the Godhra carnage. that included mass reprisal attacks where thousands of innocents members of the minority were massacred, raped and killed were
(a) spontaneous outpouring of people’s anger;
(b) which could not have been anticipated, prevented or controlled or it is likely that
(a) they were part of a conspiracy which was hatched by certain people in power politically and administratively to create an environment whereby targeted violence was allowed to be unleashed on the minority community;
Besides
(b) in carrying out this conspiracy or otherwise certain public servants including Ministers, police, bureaucracy or other individuals aided and abated the events. The entire team of advocates with Citizens for Justice & Peace along with its Secretary, Teesta Setalvad were present before the Metropolitan Magistrate 11th Court today,
Moreover Desai argued that
The Political head of the state, home ministry and administration were in full knowledge of and allowed the Build Up of Aggressive and Communal sentiments, Violent Mobilisations including carrying of Arms and a general outpouring against the Minority Community before 27.2.2002
During the course of our arguments from the documents generated by SIT we will show that (said Mihir Desai)
(a) there was a Conspiracy amongst the persons named or some of them to generate hatred towards the minority community either by an active participation in this generation or by an omission to act against the perpetrators though they were legally bound to do so. In this connection we will show that the persons named are not merely Constitutionally but also legally forbidden from acting or omitting to act in a manner they did;
(b) There was a conspiracy not just to generate hatred towards the minority community but also to commit targeted violence against the person, property and religious places of the minority community and aiding and abetting this
process by acts and omissions of persons liable under law to act otherwise.
(c) We will prove that the aiding abetting was being done prior to the Godhra incident of 27.2.2002 in terms of (i) hate speech being generated;
(ii) no action being taken against the provocation despite intelligence reports
(d) We will prove that the conspiracy was generated immediately after the Godhra incident through (i) directly collaborating with the the Vishva Hindu Parishad (ii) Creating a situation of generating hatred against minority community through
· the manner of dealing with the dead bodies of Kar Sevaks
· The manner of conducting the post mortems
· Allowing the bodies to be photographed
· Handing over the bodies to a private individuals
· The manner in which bodies were brought to Ahmedabad
· The manner in which funeral processions were taken
· The infamous meeting in the evening of 27.2.2002 where certain instructions were given
· The declaration of Bandh on 28.2.2002 and the support given to it by the ruling party
· The complete lack of preventive arrests
· The deliberate delay in declaring Curfew and Violation of Curfew Orders willfully thereafter
· Speeches of the Chief Minister on 27.2.2002 and 28.2.2002 and speeches of other political figures
· The failure to take measures against hate speech
· Ministers occupying Police Control Rooms
· The manner in which fabricated FIRs were created
· The delay in deploying the army
· The manner of dealing with internal refugees and their relief camps
· The protection of police officers who participated or aided or abated in the conspiracy and victimization of those who did not so participate
(e) We will also prove that the failures by the political and administrative machinery were not just departmental lapses but were criminal offences in respect of which each of the accused needs to be criminally prosecuted
(f) We will show that the existing investigation carried out by the SIT is highly inadequate, at times misdirected and is by and large a cover up job.
(g) We will also show that despite this, the documents collected or sent to the SIT even at present make out a case for prosecution.
Mihir Desai also read out from a Comprehensive list of Dates attached that showed that since the filing of the Zakia Jafri Complaint on 8.6.2006, Operation Kalank, the Sting Operation by Tehelka (October 2007) had provided further evidence of Conspiracy* (attached)*. Ashish Khetan the journalist who recorded the extra judicial confessions, was made a prosecution witness in the Naroda Patiya Case, Gulberg case and Naroda Gaam case. The Naroda Patiya judgement delivered on 29.8.2012 used the Tehelka Tapes authenticated by the CBI has strong and reliable corroboratory evidence. How asked Desai could this evidence be relied upon by the SIT in one set of investigations be summarily discarded by the SIT in the Zakia Jafri case, simply was it because the accused was Narendra Modi?
Listed below are the significant aspects of the Tehelka’s sting Operation and also the *SIT’s lame denial of the evidence is also attached.
LIST OF DATES
3.7.2013
EVIDENCE FROM TEHELKA STING OPERATION BUILD UP OF ARMS AND AMMUNITION BEFORE THE GODHRA INCIDENT (27.2.2002) from TEHELKA’S STING OPERATION
Before 27.2.2002
Before 27.2.2002 in the interview conducted in the sting Operation Kalank Haresh Bhatt, then BJP MLA from Godhra states that there was a well plant conspiracy to import large quantity of ammunition from outside Gujarat and also to ensure weapons within the State. (One Rohit Sharma (VHP Treasurer as being the part of the core team (Para 247, pages 120-121 of the Protest Petition).
Dhawal Jayantilal Patel, then VHP District Convener, Sabarkantha also tells Tehelka that he is a registered holder of dynamite which is used for quarrying in the district. He says in his interview recorded during the Sting Operation that he along with some other parsons has been trained to make bombs. He says that they make desi bombs that were then distributed and used in various areas
(Para 251 at page 123 of the Protest Petition).
Haresh Bhatt Statement before SIT dated 29.3.2010 Annexure I Volume II, Sr Nos 116 SIT Records/Papers)
Amish Patel , VHP Vibhag Pramukh, Sabarkantha also interviewed during the sting operation states that bombs were being smuggled in from Sabarkantha to Ahmedabad from quarries owned by VHP workers. Amish Patel also explains
how sections of the Gujarat police , for example N.D. Solanki , then SP of Sabarkantha were full fledged supporters of the VHP. Amish Patel states that Solanki gave him full support and enabled the quick release of Arvind Soni, a VHP leader. Despite these leads given in the sting operation, SIT deliberately chose to ignore this evidence and in fact raises questions about the authenticity of the sting operation.
(The SIT appears to have accepted the contentions Haresh Bhatt given in his statement dated 29.3.2010. The accused gave an improbable explanation that though he had mentioned of the facts contained in the interview and he
confirmed his photographs and voice the facts were only spicy material given to Mr. Khetan and not based on the facts. The SIT does not cross examine him about it, nor do they cross examine A-1 Chief Minister Narendra Modi or other higher functionaries. The SIT did not investigate the matter of arms and ammunitions being manufactured and distributed by VHP any further.
Similarly the SIT has accepted the statement of N.D. Solanki, former S.P. of Sabarkantha in 2002 recorded on 17.1.2010 without any further interrogation.
They have not gone into the details of the fax message contained in the annexures to Sreekumar’s affidavit. (Annexures I Vol.II, Sr.No.116 is the statement recorded of Haresh Bhatt and Sr.No.70 Annexure I Vol.II is the statement of N.D. Solanki in the SIT papers).
The then VHP Zilla Mantri from Kalupur, Ahmedabad, Ramesh Dave states in his interview recorded during the sting operation that he took the DCP S.K. Gadvi to the terrace of a locked house in Kalupur after Gadvi told him that there was several Muslims who have assembled nearby and he wanted them to “save them being stranded” once on the terrace, Gadvi started firing and before they knew he had gilled 5 persons. Dave also claims in his interview that “all the policemen helped us and they even gave us cartridges.
(Para 257 at pages 125-126 of the Protest Petition).
The SIT deliberately and willfully did not give due weightage to the extra judicial confession contained in the sting operation that amounted to direct evidence against A-1 Chief Minister Narendra Modi and several other co conspirators. The SIT ignored this evidence despite the authentication of the Tehelka tapes by the CBI thanks to the order passed by the NHRC in early 2008.
(Copy of the NHRC Order dated 5.3.2008, CBI authentication of the Telhelka tape, page 133-136 in annexure Vol I of the Protest Petition).
(Annexure III File XV, D-157, Pages 1 – 188 is the Entire CBI Investigation in the SIT Records/Papers)
The Sessions Court, herein Naroda Patiya gives that till its judgment convicting 31 persons on 29.8.2002 is devoid of entire charger to the Tehelka tapes. The Ld. Sessions court had used the authenticated Tehelkatapes as corroborative evidence following eye witnesses accounts that was the primary evidence in this case.
(Para 920-922 at Pages 413–414 of the Protest Petition). (Para 899-910 at pages 397-398 of the Protest Petition).
Accused (No. 22) in the Naroda Patiya case Suresh Langda Chara has now been convicted by a Judgement of the Sessions Court dated 29.2.2012 despite SIT deliberately ignoring the corroborative evidence contained in the Sting
Operation.
Police Control Room Records supplied by former CP Ahmedabad PC Pande after 15.3.2011 when the Supreme Courts orders further investigation, records on 27.2.2002 (Serial Nos 1, Page Nos 7126 at @ Annexure IV File XVII (6941-7368)1:…hours that “ Informer, Ashokbhai has given information to the police about a truck loaded with arms and ammunition at Rakhiyal near Char Rasta Ahmedabad Annex IV File XVII (6941 to 7368) in SIT Papers also put in
Annexure Volume I with the Protest Petition—Table: Arms Collection in Ahmedabad on 27/2/02
Transcripts at Annexure III, File XIII, D-129, Pages 1–492,of the SIT Record/Papers)
Excerpts of Relevant Portions of the Naroda Patiya Judgement, Ashish Khetan’s Statement before the SIT dated 27.8.2009 @ Annexure I, Volume I, Serial Nos 15, Pages 87-92 of the SIT Papers & PCR Message @ Annexure IV File XVII (6941-7368) of the SIT Papers is handed over to the Court as Annexure A Colly
1645 hours – 1945 hours
27.2.2002 Godhra
TEHELKA STING ON NARENDRA MODI
Strong corroboratory evidence against the role played by A-1Modi at Godhra is provided by in the Extra Judicial Confessions contained in the Tehelka Tapes that has been deliberately ignored by the SIT. One Rajendra Vyas who had been travelling on the Sabarmati express train stated in the sting operation, Operation Kalank “He (Mr. Modi) first said that we would take revenge…the same thing I myself had said publicly…I hadn’t even eaten anything then…hadn’t even had a drop of water…I was in such a rage that so many people had died, tears were flowing from my eyes but when I started using my strength…I started abusing…he (Mr. Modi) said, Rajendrabhai, calm yourself, everything will be taken care of…what did he mean when he said everything would be taken care of?...all those who were meant to understand, understood..” (Para 116 of the Protest Petition)
Further, a former MLA and chief auditor of MS University of Vadodara, Dhimant Bhatt has also stated in the Tehelka tapes, “After Godhra, there was this reaction and a certain climate was created in the parivar by the top leaders, meaning the RSS, the VHP, the Bajrang Dal, the BJP and the Durga Vahini…and in that we had Mr. Narendra Modi’s support…let people say what they like (we had) support in the sense that if Hindus are going to be burnt like this….if conspiracies are going to be hatched to burn Hindus…they wanted to burn the whole train (the Sabarmati express)…and now if we don’t do anything, if we don’t generate an adequate reaction, another train will be set on fire…this was the idea, the thought that came from him (Mr. Modi)…I was present in the meeting…some 50 people like myself had
special permission from the Police Commissioner (A-48, then Commissioner of Police, Mr. DD Tuteja) to move in curfew areas to help…in order to maintain the peace and law and order…that was just an excuse…I am very open…clear
(about it)…but how we were to help the Hindus? At that time, there wasn’t even a stick of wood in Hindu homes. So what were we to do?...we took iron pipes…three feet each…iron bars, and if there were people from the Bajrang Dal, then trishuls…the Bajrang Dal people had a plan for putting together the saamaan (weapons) and we went and supplied them to key persons in various localities…it was very necessary…”
(Para 119 of the Protest Petition, Volume I; Tehelka Transcripts at Annexure III, File XIII, D-129, Pages 1–492,of the SIT Record/Papers)
Statements of Arvind Pandya statement dated 21.11.2009, Rameshchandra Dave, VHP member statement dated 10.4.2011, Rajendra Vyas, RSS Swayamsevak dated 10.4.2011, Dhawal Patel statement dated 12.4.2011 handed over to the Court as Annexure B Colly
-
ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
All the CM’s Men
The widow of an ex-MP killed in the 2002 Gujarat riots cites phone records to seek a probe into Modi’s role. Ajit Sahi reports
Ever since Hindu rioters killed 69 Muslims, including former MP Ehsan Jafri, at his house in Ahmedabad on 28 February 2002, Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi has denied any complicity in that massacre. But Jafri’s widow, Zakia, has now furnished mobile phone records to claim that six of Modi’s close aides visited their neighbourhood, Meghaninagar, just a day before the murderous mob attacked their house.
Last week, Zakia Jafri told a metropolitan magistrate in Ahmedabad that she believed Modi himself visited the area with his aides on 27 February and, during that visit, conspired with Hindu zealots linked to his BJP to carry out the next day’s attack on her apartment in the housing complex named Gulberg Society. As such, she told the magistrate, Modi’s role in the conspiracy behind that attack needs to be investigated.
http://www.tehelka.com/all-the-cms-men/#
The widow of an ex-MP killed in the 2002 Gujarat riots cites phone records to seek a probe into Modi’s role. Ajit Sahi reports
Ever since Hindu rioters killed 69 Muslims, including former MP Ehsan Jafri, at his house in Ahmedabad on 28 February 2002, Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi has denied any complicity in that massacre. But Jafri’s widow, Zakia, has now furnished mobile phone records to claim that six of Modi’s close aides visited their neighbourhood, Meghaninagar, just a day before the murderous mob attacked their house.
Last week, Zakia Jafri told a metropolitan magistrate in Ahmedabad that she believed Modi himself visited the area with his aides on 27 February and, during that visit, conspired with Hindu zealots linked to his BJP to carry out the next day’s attack on her apartment in the housing complex named Gulberg Society. As such, she told the magistrate, Modi’s role in the conspiracy behind that attack needs to be investigated.
http://www.tehelka.com/all-the-cms-men/#
-
ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
See The Horrifying Photos Of Gujarat Mass genocide, photo no.66 shows a Bohra near his damaged house :-
https://www.google.co.in/search?q=gujar ... 21#imgdii=_
https://www.google.co.in/search?q=gujar ... 21#imgdii=_
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ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
A very good article which was written at the time of the Gujarat Genocide in 2002 :-
'I salute you, Geetaben, from the bottom of my heart'
Siddharth Varadarajan, TNN | Apr 18, 2002
Two weeks ago, the resident editor of the Times of India in Ahmedabad sent our office in Delhi a photograph so shocking it made my stomach churn. Shocking not just for what it depicted but because, to paraphrase barthes, "one was looking at it from inside our freedom." This was my india. This is my india.
On a hot and dusty patch of asphalt lies the naked body of a woman, Geetaben, her clothes stripped off and thrown carelessly near her. one piece of her underclothing lies a foot away from her body, the other is clutched desperately in her left hand, her left arm is bloodied, as is her torso, which appears to have deep gashes, her left thigh is covered in blood and she is wearing a small anklet. Her plastic chappals sit sadly alongside her lifeless body and in the middle of the photo frame is a gnarled, red, hate-filled remnant of a brick, perhaps the one her assailants used to deliver their final blow.
Geetaben was killed in Ahmedabad on march 25, in broad daylight, near a bus stop close to her home. She was a hindu who in the eyes of the hindu separatists currently ruling gujarat had committed the cardinal sin of falling in love with a muslim man. When the sangh parivar mobs came for him, she stood her ground long enough for him to flee but the killers seemed more interested in her. She was dragged out, stripped naked and killed, no lethal dose of zyklon-b delivered surreptitiously in a darkened, secluded chamber. Geetaben's murder was never meant to be a furtive, secret affair.
The holocaust that chief minister Narendra Modi's administration presided over was engineered in the knowledge that the Indian state never punishes murderers with political connections. Delhi 1984, Bombay 1993, Gujarat 2002. neither congress, third front or BJP believes in nurembergs. In these troubled times, when heroes are scarce and villains abound, Geetaben deserves to be worshipped. She is gujarat's jhansi ki rani, its la passionaria. i salute you, Geetaben, from the bottom of my heart for your one brief moment of defiance. For, even in death, with your helpless, innocent body bloodied and your clothes ripped apart, you showed more courage, humanity and dignity and more fidelity to the hindu religion than prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee has done in the past month. When the day of reckoning comes, no one will dare ask you where you were when gujarat was burning but when yama waves a dossier at Mr Vajpayee and asks him how many lives he saved, what will he answer, I wonder. Will he hang his head in shame as he did at Shah-e-Alam camp in Ahmedabad? Or will he lecture the hindu god of death about Godhra and Jehadi Muslims, and claim, as he did wednesday, that if only parliament had condemned the sabarmati express carnage, the genocide which followed would never have happened. When I heard what Mr Vajpayee said at the BJP rally in Goa last week, I experienced the same contaminating, stomach-churning sensation of being present at a crime scene that I felt when I saw the photograph of Geetaben.
Though the pm now insists he was misquoted, whichever way his words are parsed, what he told his party faithful at Goa was bone-chilling. "Wherever Muslims are," he said, painting a broad brush to describe not just the followers of Islam around the world but the one-fifth of India's citizens who happen to be Muslim, "they do not want to live with others peacefully." At the best of times, such a statement would be unforgivable. but when you consider that he was talking about the killing of as many as 2,000 Muslims in Gujarat — and to an audience which believed this genocide was justified — one can only react in horror.
Already, the Sangh is enforcing an economic boycott of Muslims. There is not a single Muslim business left in Gujarat. Photocopying stalls near Gujarati courts turn Muslim lawyers away, men with beards are not served in restaurants and shops in the state. Muslim mothers pray their children won't call them ammi on the street. Instead of speaking out against this, Mr Vajpayee actually had the gall to say Muslims do not wish to live in peace. For tens of millions of Indians, including those who might have flirted with the BJP, Mr Vajpayee's remarks have served as a wake-up call. At the Shah-e-Alam camp, he said the riots had shamed India. but what he said at Goa has shamed India even more. For all his fulminations against jehad, Mr Vajpayee's ideology is equally jehadi. His party does not believe in people living in peace, in ensuring that the citizens of India — whether Hindu, Muslim or other — have the wherewithal to live as human beings. The BJP does not respect the rights of citizens or of the nation as a whole. Instead, a bogus, hollow ideology of 'Hindutva' has been erected to cover up their utter contempt for the rights of the people of India. If historians use the phrase 'Muslim separatism' to define the struggle to carve out a Muslim nation from India in the last century, the project of the RSS-BJP could well be called 'Hindu' separatism.
Separatism or Secessionism is not just about the desire to create physical distance; it is as much about striving to distance oneself from the political, cultural and philosophical mores of the country. The BJP's separatist project poses as 'Hindu,' but it aims to secede from the philosophical and cultural foundations of India, including Hinduism, and from the political principles that Indians have evolved over the past 200 years of struggle for their rights. The aim of this project is to establish a state where all Indians, including Hindus, will be devoid of rights except those which will be bestowed upon them as a privilege. Today, Mr Vajpayee tells Muslim, Christian and Sikh Indians at Goa that "we (i.e., the BJP) have allowed you freedom of worship," tomorrow, Hindu Indians will be told what they are "allowed" to do. Those that transgress — like Geetaben, or Medha Patkar, journalists and others — will be dealt with. Gujarat has thrown a challenge to the country. the writing is on the wall. either we stand up to defend the rights of all citizens; or we will all go down eventually.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/indi ... 296104.cms
'I salute you, Geetaben, from the bottom of my heart'
Siddharth Varadarajan, TNN | Apr 18, 2002
Two weeks ago, the resident editor of the Times of India in Ahmedabad sent our office in Delhi a photograph so shocking it made my stomach churn. Shocking not just for what it depicted but because, to paraphrase barthes, "one was looking at it from inside our freedom." This was my india. This is my india.
On a hot and dusty patch of asphalt lies the naked body of a woman, Geetaben, her clothes stripped off and thrown carelessly near her. one piece of her underclothing lies a foot away from her body, the other is clutched desperately in her left hand, her left arm is bloodied, as is her torso, which appears to have deep gashes, her left thigh is covered in blood and she is wearing a small anklet. Her plastic chappals sit sadly alongside her lifeless body and in the middle of the photo frame is a gnarled, red, hate-filled remnant of a brick, perhaps the one her assailants used to deliver their final blow.
Geetaben was killed in Ahmedabad on march 25, in broad daylight, near a bus stop close to her home. She was a hindu who in the eyes of the hindu separatists currently ruling gujarat had committed the cardinal sin of falling in love with a muslim man. When the sangh parivar mobs came for him, she stood her ground long enough for him to flee but the killers seemed more interested in her. She was dragged out, stripped naked and killed, no lethal dose of zyklon-b delivered surreptitiously in a darkened, secluded chamber. Geetaben's murder was never meant to be a furtive, secret affair.
The holocaust that chief minister Narendra Modi's administration presided over was engineered in the knowledge that the Indian state never punishes murderers with political connections. Delhi 1984, Bombay 1993, Gujarat 2002. neither congress, third front or BJP believes in nurembergs. In these troubled times, when heroes are scarce and villains abound, Geetaben deserves to be worshipped. She is gujarat's jhansi ki rani, its la passionaria. i salute you, Geetaben, from the bottom of my heart for your one brief moment of defiance. For, even in death, with your helpless, innocent body bloodied and your clothes ripped apart, you showed more courage, humanity and dignity and more fidelity to the hindu religion than prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee has done in the past month. When the day of reckoning comes, no one will dare ask you where you were when gujarat was burning but when yama waves a dossier at Mr Vajpayee and asks him how many lives he saved, what will he answer, I wonder. Will he hang his head in shame as he did at Shah-e-Alam camp in Ahmedabad? Or will he lecture the hindu god of death about Godhra and Jehadi Muslims, and claim, as he did wednesday, that if only parliament had condemned the sabarmati express carnage, the genocide which followed would never have happened. When I heard what Mr Vajpayee said at the BJP rally in Goa last week, I experienced the same contaminating, stomach-churning sensation of being present at a crime scene that I felt when I saw the photograph of Geetaben.
Though the pm now insists he was misquoted, whichever way his words are parsed, what he told his party faithful at Goa was bone-chilling. "Wherever Muslims are," he said, painting a broad brush to describe not just the followers of Islam around the world but the one-fifth of India's citizens who happen to be Muslim, "they do not want to live with others peacefully." At the best of times, such a statement would be unforgivable. but when you consider that he was talking about the killing of as many as 2,000 Muslims in Gujarat — and to an audience which believed this genocide was justified — one can only react in horror.
Already, the Sangh is enforcing an economic boycott of Muslims. There is not a single Muslim business left in Gujarat. Photocopying stalls near Gujarati courts turn Muslim lawyers away, men with beards are not served in restaurants and shops in the state. Muslim mothers pray their children won't call them ammi on the street. Instead of speaking out against this, Mr Vajpayee actually had the gall to say Muslims do not wish to live in peace. For tens of millions of Indians, including those who might have flirted with the BJP, Mr Vajpayee's remarks have served as a wake-up call. At the Shah-e-Alam camp, he said the riots had shamed India. but what he said at Goa has shamed India even more. For all his fulminations against jehad, Mr Vajpayee's ideology is equally jehadi. His party does not believe in people living in peace, in ensuring that the citizens of India — whether Hindu, Muslim or other — have the wherewithal to live as human beings. The BJP does not respect the rights of citizens or of the nation as a whole. Instead, a bogus, hollow ideology of 'Hindutva' has been erected to cover up their utter contempt for the rights of the people of India. If historians use the phrase 'Muslim separatism' to define the struggle to carve out a Muslim nation from India in the last century, the project of the RSS-BJP could well be called 'Hindu' separatism.
Separatism or Secessionism is not just about the desire to create physical distance; it is as much about striving to distance oneself from the political, cultural and philosophical mores of the country. The BJP's separatist project poses as 'Hindu,' but it aims to secede from the philosophical and cultural foundations of India, including Hinduism, and from the political principles that Indians have evolved over the past 200 years of struggle for their rights. The aim of this project is to establish a state where all Indians, including Hindus, will be devoid of rights except those which will be bestowed upon them as a privilege. Today, Mr Vajpayee tells Muslim, Christian and Sikh Indians at Goa that "we (i.e., the BJP) have allowed you freedom of worship," tomorrow, Hindu Indians will be told what they are "allowed" to do. Those that transgress — like Geetaben, or Medha Patkar, journalists and others — will be dealt with. Gujarat has thrown a challenge to the country. the writing is on the wall. either we stand up to defend the rights of all citizens; or we will all go down eventually.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/indi ... 296104.cms
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ghulam muhammed
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Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Haresh Bhatt of Bajrang Dal: CM gave us a free hand for 3 days. (Video)
Haresh Bhatt, the national co-coordinator of the Bajrang Dal in 2002 states that Chief Minister had given them a free hand the they could do whatever they wanted for three days. After that, Bhatt says, “He asked us to stop and everything came to a halt.” Skip forward to 5 mins 20 secs in the video to see his statements about the Chief Minister. (Sting Video By Tehelka)
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/haresh-bh ... fLuc77rZLO
Haresh Bhatt, the national co-coordinator of the Bajrang Dal in 2002 states that Chief Minister had given them a free hand the they could do whatever they wanted for three days. After that, Bhatt says, “He asked us to stop and everything came to a halt.” Skip forward to 5 mins 20 secs in the video to see his statements about the Chief Minister. (Sting Video By Tehelka)
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/haresh-bh ... fLuc77rZLO
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ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
This is a blood curdling discussion between Babu Bajrangi and the Tehelka reporter. The details he gives and the way he talks are awful, sinister, cruel and unbelievable that a person can be so cold blooded and cold hearted. Be prepared before reading it.
He admits informing the Home Minister and VHP and BJP leaders about the killings. Naroda is barely four kms from the Police Commissioner's office. The massacre lasted about ten hours. Not a finger was raised by P.C.Pande, the Police Chief to stop this horror.
Incidentally Modi and Advani have done everything within their power to promote and protect this sickening Pande. He was sent to the New Delhi CBI head office as the Deputy Chief to sidetrack any investigation into the Gujarat killings. After Advani lost power in 2004, he was sent back and made the DGP, and stayed until he retired, and immediately appointed to a plush office , with high salary .
And to think that this same Modi may well run the country from 2014 onwards.
http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main35 ... illing.asp
He admits informing the Home Minister and VHP and BJP leaders about the killings. Naroda is barely four kms from the Police Commissioner's office. The massacre lasted about ten hours. Not a finger was raised by P.C.Pande, the Police Chief to stop this horror.
Incidentally Modi and Advani have done everything within their power to promote and protect this sickening Pande. He was sent to the New Delhi CBI head office as the Deputy Chief to sidetrack any investigation into the Gujarat killings. After Advani lost power in 2004, he was sent back and made the DGP, and stayed until he retired, and immediately appointed to a plush office , with high salary .
And to think that this same Modi may well run the country from 2014 onwards.
http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main35 ... illing.asp
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ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Unusual Causes for Cardiovascular Disorders in Gujarat
By now, Medical Science thought that it had exhaustively found out all the causes for cardiovascular disorders. But a spate of new cases in Gujarat has befuddled many veteran cardiologists. All these patients develop typical symptoms of cardiovascular disorders like chest pain, breathlessness etc, the moment there names appear in a criminal complaint. In some cases, even a political crisis becomes the cause for an angina-pectoris.
The latest patient in this series is Mr PP Pandey who very dramatically arrived in a ICU ambulance before the special CBI court after the Supreme Court ordered him to appear before a magistrate latest by today (29th July 2013). The guy who is an absconding accused for 3 months now and had taken charge of his position as ADGP the day before (on 28 July 2013), got himself admitted to a private hospital named Chandramani on pretext of having chest pains. He was carried in a stretcher to the court premises and his advocates filed an anticipatory bail application. (We will follow up with the court’s order on his anticipatory bail the moment it is pronounced.)
Now Mr PP Pandey is definitely not the first accused Police Officer who has been suddenly afflicted with cardiovascular disorder. The main accused of multiple fake encounter cases Mr DG Vanzara had also developed acute symptoms of cardiovascular disorder on 29th June 2013 and was admitted to UN Mehta hospital, moment the CBI got an order for questioning him in police remand in the Javed-Ishrat case.
The right hand man of DG Vanzara, DySP NK Amin also exhibited exactly the same symptoms, moment CBI went to arrest him in the Javed-Ishrat case and got himself admitted to the same UN Mehta hospital on 5th April 2013. In fact when he heard that CBI was en-route to arrest him, apparently he fainted and was rushed to the observation room. However the doctor at the hospital opined that Mr Amin’s condition did not require immediate admission and he was subsequently arrested from the hospital by CBI.
In all cases, doctors who examined these officers had opined that none of them had any known medical causes for the alleged heart ailments and the poor doctors are now looking in the Criminal Procedure Code to find some plausible reasons for such sudden cardiovascular disorders.
Though, cardiovascular disorders are not contagious, but it appears that these accused police officers caught the infection from none other than Mr Narendra Modi. On November 23rd, 2002, Modi had also gotten himself admitted to the same UN Mehta hospital complaining about breathlessness and fatigue and had undergone an angiography. As usual no known medical cause was revealed for the sudden cardiovascular disorder and it was subsequently found that the symptoms developed after the leaders of the Sangh Parivar including Atal Behari Vajpayee had disapproved of Modi’s decision to contest from the Ellisbridge constituency displacing the then Home Minister Shri Haren Pandya. The cardiovascular stunt was a successful tactic in keeping out Haren Pandya from contesting the December 2002 elections.
Mr Haren Pandya was thereafter murdered on 26th March 2003.
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/unusual-c ... fg6XL7rZLM
By now, Medical Science thought that it had exhaustively found out all the causes for cardiovascular disorders. But a spate of new cases in Gujarat has befuddled many veteran cardiologists. All these patients develop typical symptoms of cardiovascular disorders like chest pain, breathlessness etc, the moment there names appear in a criminal complaint. In some cases, even a political crisis becomes the cause for an angina-pectoris.
The latest patient in this series is Mr PP Pandey who very dramatically arrived in a ICU ambulance before the special CBI court after the Supreme Court ordered him to appear before a magistrate latest by today (29th July 2013). The guy who is an absconding accused for 3 months now and had taken charge of his position as ADGP the day before (on 28 July 2013), got himself admitted to a private hospital named Chandramani on pretext of having chest pains. He was carried in a stretcher to the court premises and his advocates filed an anticipatory bail application. (We will follow up with the court’s order on his anticipatory bail the moment it is pronounced.)
Now Mr PP Pandey is definitely not the first accused Police Officer who has been suddenly afflicted with cardiovascular disorder. The main accused of multiple fake encounter cases Mr DG Vanzara had also developed acute symptoms of cardiovascular disorder on 29th June 2013 and was admitted to UN Mehta hospital, moment the CBI got an order for questioning him in police remand in the Javed-Ishrat case.
The right hand man of DG Vanzara, DySP NK Amin also exhibited exactly the same symptoms, moment CBI went to arrest him in the Javed-Ishrat case and got himself admitted to the same UN Mehta hospital on 5th April 2013. In fact when he heard that CBI was en-route to arrest him, apparently he fainted and was rushed to the observation room. However the doctor at the hospital opined that Mr Amin’s condition did not require immediate admission and he was subsequently arrested from the hospital by CBI.
In all cases, doctors who examined these officers had opined that none of them had any known medical causes for the alleged heart ailments and the poor doctors are now looking in the Criminal Procedure Code to find some plausible reasons for such sudden cardiovascular disorders.
Though, cardiovascular disorders are not contagious, but it appears that these accused police officers caught the infection from none other than Mr Narendra Modi. On November 23rd, 2002, Modi had also gotten himself admitted to the same UN Mehta hospital complaining about breathlessness and fatigue and had undergone an angiography. As usual no known medical cause was revealed for the sudden cardiovascular disorder and it was subsequently found that the symptoms developed after the leaders of the Sangh Parivar including Atal Behari Vajpayee had disapproved of Modi’s decision to contest from the Ellisbridge constituency displacing the then Home Minister Shri Haren Pandya. The cardiovascular stunt was a successful tactic in keeping out Haren Pandya from contesting the December 2002 elections.
Mr Haren Pandya was thereafter murdered on 26th March 2003.
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/unusual-c ... fg6XL7rZLM
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Muslim First
- Posts: 6893
- Joined: Tue Jun 19, 2001 4:01 am
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Sorry to post it here but this appeared in TOI today
For '272-plus', Modi wants BJP to connect with Muslim voters
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/indi ... 905565.cms
One of the comment was this
For '272-plus', Modi wants BJP to connect with Muslim voters
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/indi ... 905565.cms
One of the comment was this
Shawl and crore rupee is paying offWhy not deport the Traitors 'Sunni Muslims' to Pakistan and import the Pagan Hindus back to India ???? We all Sikhs, Hindus, Christians, Shia, Ahmedi, Sufi, Bohra Muslims shall vote for BJP and live in Peace.
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ghulam muhammed
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Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Fourteenth Day of Arguments in the Zakia Jafri Protest Petition(Aug 22nd)-Arguments to continue .
FOURTEENTH DAY OF ARGUMENTS
Faced with a tragedy like the Godhra train burning that had claimed 58 lives, how would a government and administration respond, and equally critically how would an independent agency appointed to fairly and rationally evaluate the quality of this response go about its job, asked senior advocate Mihir Desai for Mrs Zakia Jafri and Citizens for Justice and Peace making a powerful case for evaluating criminal culpability by top echelons of the police and administration.
Arguing for the fourteenth day in the 11th Metropolitan Magistrate’s Court, Ahmedabad, Desai pointed out that the only way an agency could have developed and evaluated whether or not the ingredients in a sinister chain of criminal conspiracy, abetment and criminal culpability by public officials was actually made out was in evaluating the government, administration and police response, before, during and after the outbreak of such systemic widespread and persistent mob violence. When five separate blasts shook Mumbai in 1993, the conspiratorial hands of a Tiger Memon or a Dawood Ibrahim could be seen behind each separate, similar and disparate act by just such an evaluation, he argued.
Could the government, administration and police have anticipated Godhra? Was there a systemic prelude or build up of communal atmosphere before the train burning? Once the incident took place was there an immediacy and seriousness in stemming any retaliation given the nature of communal violence and Gujarat’s history in this regard, were hate speeches and hate writings curtailed and prosecuted when they occurred or were generated or were they encouraged, were perpetrators punished? On the issue of deployment of the army, the issue to be assessed in terms of impact on the ground was threefold pressed Desai: was the Army actually called in on time, in which districts was it deployed and was it given adequate powers under the law (Sections 129/130 of the CRPC read with Rules of the Gujarat Police Manual) to function independently to save lives, property? Ironically, said Desai, the SIT just like it did not record statements of members of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and Election Commission, deliberately chose not to record the statements of independent witnesses Major Zameeruddin Shah of the 54th Infantry Division in charge of the Gujarat operation. Neither did the SIT seek independent data from the Army choosing in its all out bid to shield the accused, to believe the chief collaborators of the criminal conspiracy.
Reading from sections of the Protest Petition that had been filed by Mrs Jafri on April 15 this year, assisted by Citizens for Justice and Peace, Desai pointed out to the Court the ascending degrees of violence in at least 16 of Gujarat’s 26 districts; violence that started on the day of the Godhra train burning itself and continued until July-August September 2002. Ahmedabad, Panchmahals and Mehsana were the worst affected districts followed by Vadodara, Banaskantha, Dahod and Anand among others. Reading from the statement of then SP, Mehsana, Anupam Gahlot who appeared before the SIT on 22.1.2010, he showed the Court how this officer traversed the length and breath of the district to save lives of the Minorities, ensuring he was a hand’s on Policeman in Charge unlike the Commissioner of Police, Ahmedabad, PC Pande who sat mute spectator in his cabin at Shahibaug while Ahmedabad burned! Pande was rewarded for this by the chief conspirator, home minister A-1 Modi, retiring as Director General of Police (DGP) for the state; thereafter still benefiting from post retirement postings! On the other hand, Gahlot who had ensured the safety of over 1,000 persons taking shelter in a Dargah that was sought to be mob attacked was transferred along with other officers like Rahul Sharma from Bhavnagar district who had similarly done a worthy and upright job. These first round of transfers coming as they did around 24.3.2002 had also been objected to by then DGP K Chakravarthi.
Serious incidents of violence had taken place in Ahmedabad and rest of the state on 27.2.2002 itself with warnings of these coming in through the state intelligence (SIB) –all carefully documented in the protest petition, yet Pande and other senior officers like Shivanand Jha and others made a mockery of laws around preventive detention. Special schemes within the Gujarat Police Mannual and a Special Communal Riots Scheme (1997) demands that every commissionerate and district maintain not just a list of “communal goondas” who need to be arrested when there is threat of violence but also a list of fanatically minded persons who stoke the flames of communal violence. Yet in Ahmedabad, Vadodara, Sabarkantha, Vadodara, Panchmahals, Dahod, Banaskantha, Ahmedabad Rural, Vadodara Rural Patan and Kheda there was complete inaction in this regard. In Ahmedabad there were only 2 arrests made at Astodia on 27.2.2002 and that two of Muslims, Desai pointed out.
Over 47 Distress Messages from the Police Control Room made on 28.2.2002 to the Fire Brigade Urgently demanding help at a time when Naroda Patiya, Naroda Gaam and Gulberg Society were under systemic Mob attack were met with a sinister and conspiratorial silence, revealed Desai reading from two tables in the protest petition that detailed this evidence. Pande as Commissioner of Police is answerable for this lapse, yet SIT chose to completely ignore this evidence from their own record. No statements of any of the Fire Brigade officials have been recorded, nor any attempts made to unearth the Fire Brigade register and analyse this. Arguments will continue tomorrow.
FOURTEENTH DAY OF ARGUMENTS
Faced with a tragedy like the Godhra train burning that had claimed 58 lives, how would a government and administration respond, and equally critically how would an independent agency appointed to fairly and rationally evaluate the quality of this response go about its job, asked senior advocate Mihir Desai for Mrs Zakia Jafri and Citizens for Justice and Peace making a powerful case for evaluating criminal culpability by top echelons of the police and administration.
Arguing for the fourteenth day in the 11th Metropolitan Magistrate’s Court, Ahmedabad, Desai pointed out that the only way an agency could have developed and evaluated whether or not the ingredients in a sinister chain of criminal conspiracy, abetment and criminal culpability by public officials was actually made out was in evaluating the government, administration and police response, before, during and after the outbreak of such systemic widespread and persistent mob violence. When five separate blasts shook Mumbai in 1993, the conspiratorial hands of a Tiger Memon or a Dawood Ibrahim could be seen behind each separate, similar and disparate act by just such an evaluation, he argued.
Could the government, administration and police have anticipated Godhra? Was there a systemic prelude or build up of communal atmosphere before the train burning? Once the incident took place was there an immediacy and seriousness in stemming any retaliation given the nature of communal violence and Gujarat’s history in this regard, were hate speeches and hate writings curtailed and prosecuted when they occurred or were generated or were they encouraged, were perpetrators punished? On the issue of deployment of the army, the issue to be assessed in terms of impact on the ground was threefold pressed Desai: was the Army actually called in on time, in which districts was it deployed and was it given adequate powers under the law (Sections 129/130 of the CRPC read with Rules of the Gujarat Police Manual) to function independently to save lives, property? Ironically, said Desai, the SIT just like it did not record statements of members of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and Election Commission, deliberately chose not to record the statements of independent witnesses Major Zameeruddin Shah of the 54th Infantry Division in charge of the Gujarat operation. Neither did the SIT seek independent data from the Army choosing in its all out bid to shield the accused, to believe the chief collaborators of the criminal conspiracy.
Reading from sections of the Protest Petition that had been filed by Mrs Jafri on April 15 this year, assisted by Citizens for Justice and Peace, Desai pointed out to the Court the ascending degrees of violence in at least 16 of Gujarat’s 26 districts; violence that started on the day of the Godhra train burning itself and continued until July-August September 2002. Ahmedabad, Panchmahals and Mehsana were the worst affected districts followed by Vadodara, Banaskantha, Dahod and Anand among others. Reading from the statement of then SP, Mehsana, Anupam Gahlot who appeared before the SIT on 22.1.2010, he showed the Court how this officer traversed the length and breath of the district to save lives of the Minorities, ensuring he was a hand’s on Policeman in Charge unlike the Commissioner of Police, Ahmedabad, PC Pande who sat mute spectator in his cabin at Shahibaug while Ahmedabad burned! Pande was rewarded for this by the chief conspirator, home minister A-1 Modi, retiring as Director General of Police (DGP) for the state; thereafter still benefiting from post retirement postings! On the other hand, Gahlot who had ensured the safety of over 1,000 persons taking shelter in a Dargah that was sought to be mob attacked was transferred along with other officers like Rahul Sharma from Bhavnagar district who had similarly done a worthy and upright job. These first round of transfers coming as they did around 24.3.2002 had also been objected to by then DGP K Chakravarthi.
Serious incidents of violence had taken place in Ahmedabad and rest of the state on 27.2.2002 itself with warnings of these coming in through the state intelligence (SIB) –all carefully documented in the protest petition, yet Pande and other senior officers like Shivanand Jha and others made a mockery of laws around preventive detention. Special schemes within the Gujarat Police Mannual and a Special Communal Riots Scheme (1997) demands that every commissionerate and district maintain not just a list of “communal goondas” who need to be arrested when there is threat of violence but also a list of fanatically minded persons who stoke the flames of communal violence. Yet in Ahmedabad, Vadodara, Sabarkantha, Vadodara, Panchmahals, Dahod, Banaskantha, Ahmedabad Rural, Vadodara Rural Patan and Kheda there was complete inaction in this regard. In Ahmedabad there were only 2 arrests made at Astodia on 27.2.2002 and that two of Muslims, Desai pointed out.
Over 47 Distress Messages from the Police Control Room made on 28.2.2002 to the Fire Brigade Urgently demanding help at a time when Naroda Patiya, Naroda Gaam and Gulberg Society were under systemic Mob attack were met with a sinister and conspiratorial silence, revealed Desai reading from two tables in the protest petition that detailed this evidence. Pande as Commissioner of Police is answerable for this lapse, yet SIT chose to completely ignore this evidence from their own record. No statements of any of the Fire Brigade officials have been recorded, nor any attempts made to unearth the Fire Brigade register and analyse this. Arguments will continue tomorrow.
-
ghulam muhammed
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Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
SIXTEENTH DAY OF ARGUMENTS 27.8.2013 Zakia Jafri Protest Petition
SIXTEENTH DAY OF ARGUMENTS
27.8.2013
Fifteen and Sixteenth Days Arguments Zakia Jafri Protest Petition
A serving officer of the Gujarat government, then SP, Bhavnagar, Rahul Sharma who actually averts and prevents violence by putting his life at risk; who functions independently of his political masters (including then MOS Home and accused, Gordhan Zadaphiya) and arrests powerful BJP and VHP men and women for indulging in violence and other criminal acts; who preserves the mobile phone records that implicate powerful persons for conspiring and collaborating in violent mass crimes post Godhra in 2002; who disagrees with fabricated charges in the charge sheets in the Gulberg and Naroda Patiya cases prepared by the Crime Branch, Ahmebabad is charge sheeted for revealing this incriminating evidence to the Amicus Curaie Raju Ramachandran.
The government of Gujarat has also indulged in serious doctoring and tampering of documents argued senior advocate Mihir Desai for the sixteenth day before the Metropolitan Magistrate Court Nos 11, making a convincing pitch for the complete rejection of the SIT closure report. Handing over a special compilation of records from the voluminous SIT papers that clearly indicate tampering of records, Desai stated that a complicit and unprofessional SIT had not even looked into this serious criminal lapse though this was clearly visible from their own papers. The Gujarat home department under A-1 Modi had destroyed Vehicle Log Book records, Police Control Room Records and Wireless records on 30.3.2008 just five days after the Supreme Court had appointed the SIT on 26.3.2008. While indulging in this criminal act they had quoted an obsolete rule 262 of the Bombay Police Act when this had been replaced by the Gujarat Police Manual of 1975. The Inward register of the chief minister’s office, the Minutes of the meeting of 28.2.2020, the daily Itinerary of the chief minister as also a letter of the Home department had been clearly tampered with. (This letter of 6.3.2002 was overwritten by hand to show it had been written on 28.2.2002). Besides over four dozen SIB Messages in the SIT papers were in plain white blank paper without official format, an aspect that the SIT had chosen to turn a blind eye to. Desai argued that the SIT ignoring such brazen lapses was illustrative of its compromised functioning.
The Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) had stayed the operation of the charge sheet in 2012, making Rahul Sharma among the ten-twelve officers severely punished by the Modi-led Gujarat government for upholding the rule of law and the Indian Constitution. Sharma had been suddenly transferred out of Bhavnagar on March 26, 2002 (just as was Anupam Gehlot, SP Mehsana) simply because he had prevented Bhavnagar, a stronghold of Zadaphiya led VHP and BJP from becoming a cauldron of communal violence despite provocative hate speeches and other violent attempts . Brought to the Ahmedabad Crime Branch and assigned to assist the investigations into the Naroda Patiya and Gulberg massacres this officer had made his discomfiture known and official when the Crime Branch had tried to create a false line of argument in the first charge sheets filed in these cases. The Gujarat police come directly under A-1 Narendra Modi, holding cabinet rank as home minister. While holding the post of DCP Crime Branch, and while he and his superior AK Surolia had summoned Mobile Data records of all users in Ahmedabad city, the SIT had done nothing to analyse this data or put it to efficient use in their investigations. While testifying before the Nanavati-Shah-Mehta Commission in August 2004 Sharma had made copies of this mobile phone data public. In January 2010, it was Rahul Sharma who had provided this critical evidence to the Amicus Curaie Raju Ramachandran. His reward? A show cause notice by the vindictive Gujarat government!
Details of the application for relief against this illegal charge sheet before CAT showed that despite the fact that Rahul Sharma had provided details to the SC-appointed SIT about the reluctance of mobile phone records to provide full user details; and despite the fact that the representative of one such company had stated that he was under pressure
from both the Gujarat police and political bigwigs in the state, the high powered SIT had chosen not to investigate this at all.
The critical evidence of the other whistleblower officer, former ADGP Intelligence RB Sreekumar lay in the fact that
a)he had recorded that then DGP Chakravarti had told him about the criminal instructions issued by A-I Modi at the meeting of 27.2.2002 (“Hindus should be allowed to vent their anger on the streets and the police should not be impartial”);
b) he had filed five critical SIB reports recording the illegal functioning of the police and bureaucracy as also the subversion of the criminal justice system;
c) he had urged prosecution of Sandesh newspaper and VHP hate pamphlets;
d) he had recommended the transfer of criminally complicit officers, a recommendation that had been implemented by KPS Gill sent in by the Central government;
e) he had given independent reports to the Chief election Commission (CEC) that had been relied upon and
f) he had recorded the illegal instructions given by A-1 Modi to him in an unofficial register;
g) he had sent the SIB reports on the virulent hate speech of A-1 Modi at Becharaji to the National Commission of Minorities despite his bosses illegally ordering that he not do so.
He too like Sharma and Sanjiv Bhatt who were also charge sheeted was rewarded with a charge sheet and denied promotion. Bhatt’s criticality lay in that he had sent messages from the SIB on 27.2.2002 mentioning the provocative sloganeering by the kar sevaks that led to a crowd gathering near the Godhra railway station.
Tracing the chain of command responsibility from an analysis of the Phone Call records of Top Police Officials of Ahmedabad City and the Chief Minister’s Office (CMO) that have been dealt with at length in the Protest petition, Mihir Desai pointed out how the analyses reveal that PC Pande did not move out of his office after returning from the Sola Civil Hospital on 28.2.2002; that at the height of the attacks of Naroda Patiya and Gulberg while he sat holed up in his office at Shahibaug, there was a sustained contact between him and the CMO (Fifteen Calls between 11.40 am and the evening) suggesting that A-1 Modi was in the constant know of happenings on the ground). Why did he not budge out from the safety of his chamber? Unlike Rahul Sharma, SP Bhavnagar and Anupam Gehlot, SP Mehsana who risked their lives trying to save lives here was a Commissioner and a Chief Minister who were sitting in the safety of their cabins and offices!!! The criminally culpable conduct of Joint CP Tandon and DCP Gondia was also revealed in that every time they received serious messages to go towards Naroda or Meghaninagar (where Gulberg is located) they moved in opposite directions towards Rewadi Bazar.
Detailed arguments were also made on the failure of the SIT to investigate the absence of proper Relief and Rehabilitation measures despite sharp comments and recommendations from the National Human Rights Commission
(NHRC), the National Commission for Minorities and even the Food Commissioner appointed by the Supreme Court. The Central government had to institute special schemes to enhance reparation for those dead and injured due to the failure of the state to fulfill adequate measures.
On the occasion of the fourteenth days of arguments, Desai had read extensively on the deleterious impact of inflammatory articles published in large sections of the Gujarati media (print and electronic) that had instead of being prosecuted been applauded by A-1 Narendra Modi.
Arguments will continue on August 29.
SIXTEENTH DAY OF ARGUMENTS
27.8.2013
Fifteen and Sixteenth Days Arguments Zakia Jafri Protest Petition
A serving officer of the Gujarat government, then SP, Bhavnagar, Rahul Sharma who actually averts and prevents violence by putting his life at risk; who functions independently of his political masters (including then MOS Home and accused, Gordhan Zadaphiya) and arrests powerful BJP and VHP men and women for indulging in violence and other criminal acts; who preserves the mobile phone records that implicate powerful persons for conspiring and collaborating in violent mass crimes post Godhra in 2002; who disagrees with fabricated charges in the charge sheets in the Gulberg and Naroda Patiya cases prepared by the Crime Branch, Ahmebabad is charge sheeted for revealing this incriminating evidence to the Amicus Curaie Raju Ramachandran.
The government of Gujarat has also indulged in serious doctoring and tampering of documents argued senior advocate Mihir Desai for the sixteenth day before the Metropolitan Magistrate Court Nos 11, making a convincing pitch for the complete rejection of the SIT closure report. Handing over a special compilation of records from the voluminous SIT papers that clearly indicate tampering of records, Desai stated that a complicit and unprofessional SIT had not even looked into this serious criminal lapse though this was clearly visible from their own papers. The Gujarat home department under A-1 Modi had destroyed Vehicle Log Book records, Police Control Room Records and Wireless records on 30.3.2008 just five days after the Supreme Court had appointed the SIT on 26.3.2008. While indulging in this criminal act they had quoted an obsolete rule 262 of the Bombay Police Act when this had been replaced by the Gujarat Police Manual of 1975. The Inward register of the chief minister’s office, the Minutes of the meeting of 28.2.2020, the daily Itinerary of the chief minister as also a letter of the Home department had been clearly tampered with. (This letter of 6.3.2002 was overwritten by hand to show it had been written on 28.2.2002). Besides over four dozen SIB Messages in the SIT papers were in plain white blank paper without official format, an aspect that the SIT had chosen to turn a blind eye to. Desai argued that the SIT ignoring such brazen lapses was illustrative of its compromised functioning.
The Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) had stayed the operation of the charge sheet in 2012, making Rahul Sharma among the ten-twelve officers severely punished by the Modi-led Gujarat government for upholding the rule of law and the Indian Constitution. Sharma had been suddenly transferred out of Bhavnagar on March 26, 2002 (just as was Anupam Gehlot, SP Mehsana) simply because he had prevented Bhavnagar, a stronghold of Zadaphiya led VHP and BJP from becoming a cauldron of communal violence despite provocative hate speeches and other violent attempts . Brought to the Ahmedabad Crime Branch and assigned to assist the investigations into the Naroda Patiya and Gulberg massacres this officer had made his discomfiture known and official when the Crime Branch had tried to create a false line of argument in the first charge sheets filed in these cases. The Gujarat police come directly under A-1 Narendra Modi, holding cabinet rank as home minister. While holding the post of DCP Crime Branch, and while he and his superior AK Surolia had summoned Mobile Data records of all users in Ahmedabad city, the SIT had done nothing to analyse this data or put it to efficient use in their investigations. While testifying before the Nanavati-Shah-Mehta Commission in August 2004 Sharma had made copies of this mobile phone data public. In January 2010, it was Rahul Sharma who had provided this critical evidence to the Amicus Curaie Raju Ramachandran. His reward? A show cause notice by the vindictive Gujarat government!
Details of the application for relief against this illegal charge sheet before CAT showed that despite the fact that Rahul Sharma had provided details to the SC-appointed SIT about the reluctance of mobile phone records to provide full user details; and despite the fact that the representative of one such company had stated that he was under pressure
from both the Gujarat police and political bigwigs in the state, the high powered SIT had chosen not to investigate this at all.
The critical evidence of the other whistleblower officer, former ADGP Intelligence RB Sreekumar lay in the fact that
a)he had recorded that then DGP Chakravarti had told him about the criminal instructions issued by A-I Modi at the meeting of 27.2.2002 (“Hindus should be allowed to vent their anger on the streets and the police should not be impartial”);
b) he had filed five critical SIB reports recording the illegal functioning of the police and bureaucracy as also the subversion of the criminal justice system;
c) he had urged prosecution of Sandesh newspaper and VHP hate pamphlets;
d) he had recommended the transfer of criminally complicit officers, a recommendation that had been implemented by KPS Gill sent in by the Central government;
e) he had given independent reports to the Chief election Commission (CEC) that had been relied upon and
f) he had recorded the illegal instructions given by A-1 Modi to him in an unofficial register;
g) he had sent the SIB reports on the virulent hate speech of A-1 Modi at Becharaji to the National Commission of Minorities despite his bosses illegally ordering that he not do so.
He too like Sharma and Sanjiv Bhatt who were also charge sheeted was rewarded with a charge sheet and denied promotion. Bhatt’s criticality lay in that he had sent messages from the SIB on 27.2.2002 mentioning the provocative sloganeering by the kar sevaks that led to a crowd gathering near the Godhra railway station.
Tracing the chain of command responsibility from an analysis of the Phone Call records of Top Police Officials of Ahmedabad City and the Chief Minister’s Office (CMO) that have been dealt with at length in the Protest petition, Mihir Desai pointed out how the analyses reveal that PC Pande did not move out of his office after returning from the Sola Civil Hospital on 28.2.2002; that at the height of the attacks of Naroda Patiya and Gulberg while he sat holed up in his office at Shahibaug, there was a sustained contact between him and the CMO (Fifteen Calls between 11.40 am and the evening) suggesting that A-1 Modi was in the constant know of happenings on the ground). Why did he not budge out from the safety of his chamber? Unlike Rahul Sharma, SP Bhavnagar and Anupam Gehlot, SP Mehsana who risked their lives trying to save lives here was a Commissioner and a Chief Minister who were sitting in the safety of their cabins and offices!!! The criminally culpable conduct of Joint CP Tandon and DCP Gondia was also revealed in that every time they received serious messages to go towards Naroda or Meghaninagar (where Gulberg is located) they moved in opposite directions towards Rewadi Bazar.
Detailed arguments were also made on the failure of the SIT to investigate the absence of proper Relief and Rehabilitation measures despite sharp comments and recommendations from the National Human Rights Commission
(NHRC), the National Commission for Minorities and even the Food Commissioner appointed by the Supreme Court. The Central government had to institute special schemes to enhance reparation for those dead and injured due to the failure of the state to fulfill adequate measures.
On the occasion of the fourteenth days of arguments, Desai had read extensively on the deleterious impact of inflammatory articles published in large sections of the Gujarati media (print and electronic) that had instead of being prosecuted been applauded by A-1 Narendra Modi.
Arguments will continue on August 29.
-
ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
The Death Dance At Naroda Patiya
The residents of Naroda Patiya, a small hamlet housing a few thousand poor Muslim families in Eastern Ahmedabad would not have in their wildest imagination predict that they would be systematically butchered on 28th February, 2002
On the previous day, the coach No. S6 of Sabarmati had been gutted leaving 58 passengers dead. The incident was indeed a grave tragedy. Instead of mourning the death, the Sangh Parivar conspired to use the tragedy to instigate the Hindu community to “avenge” the death of the 58 Hindu Karsevals. The Chief Minster Modi, himself went to the press on 27th February and declared that the burning of the S6 was a preplanned conspiracy of the Muslim terrorist; the stage was set for the retaliation!
54 of the 58 dead bodies were handed over to the General Secretary of VHP Shri Jaideep Patel who brought the unidentified dead bodies to Ahmedabad in the early morning of 28th February. Few of the bodies were identified right in the morning and around ten of them were taken to Jantanagar Narol, an area close to Naroda Patiya. A massive funeral procession was organized and the anger of the crowd was let loose on the hapless Muslims.
The deposition of Abdulmajid Mohammad Usman Shaikh witness no 156, before the Special Designated Court of Jyostna Yagnik, tells the sordid story of the brutality and perversity of the Sangh Parivar cadre that followed:
Around 8.30 or so, Abdul Majid had notice a large mob gathering near the Nurani Masjid which was opposite to the Naroda Patiya settlement. In his own word as recorded by he Special Judge he stated that,
Another mob was coming from Krishna Nagar at about 9.00 a.m.. These two mobs were mixed up and have attacked Nurani, torched Nurani, outside Nurani a cart of one Rajesh Kerosenewala was lying which had kerosene, even another vehicle of one Vadgeri Badshah was also with kerosene, both these carts had full kerosene which both were used to torch Nurani by using the kerosene, even a gas cylinder was also burst there to torch Nurani.
At this time, two police vehicles came near S.T. Workshop, from where three big black coloured boxes were taken out, one white car came and people started taking name of ‘Mayaben Kodnani’. She got down from the car. Mayaben (A-37) told that ‘kill them’, then the mob had attacked on us,because of this attack we all stepped back towards our Muslim chawls.
As the residents of Naroda Patiya realized that they were under a massive attack, some of the youngsters put up a defense near the only entry to the Patiya from the main road to prevent the mob from entering their settlement. That was when the local police started firing at the Muslims boys to open up the entry. In the words of Abdul Majid,
The mob attacked on us and police started firing and bursting teargas, the firing hurt Hasan Qureshi on his head, Abid on his private part who fell down there, hence we all ran towards back side of our Muslim chawls and started stepping back and back…
Abdul rushed back to his home to save his family which consisted of eight children and his wife. This is what he said,
At this time, my sister-in-law Raziyabanu (PW 151) came rushing in burnt position who had her son Shoaib aged about 20 days with her who was also burnt, on my inquiry, Raziya informed me that my mother, wife and children were also burnt near Gangotri Society in a khancha (corner). I immediately went there, I saw my wife was burning, my daughter Supriya was being pulled by Jay Bhavani, son of Jay Bhavani, Suresh Langado, Tiniyo and others. Seeing this, I remembered Allah and gave a loud call to Allah and spoke our religious slogan, at that time, I was attacked from my back side on my head, hence I fell down. There was bleeding from my head, I had injury, I remained unconscious for about half an hour. At about 07.00 p.m. I could regain my consciousness. I saw Supriya was being pulled and my wife Lalbi, daughters Afrinbanu, Sahinbanu, Sufiyabanu and sons Mohammad Hussain and Khwaja Hussain were burning there. Being bothered for remaining children, I loudly spoke their names.
Abdul Majid remain unconscious till late evening and the mob left him assuming that he had died. But Abdul lived to the tell the story:
At about 09.00 p.m. police came, called us down from the terrace, and brought us to Shah-E-Alam (Camp). I got treated at the Camp for my head injury and my son Yasin was initially treated there whose dressing was done as was too much burnt… As I had learnt that my daughter Supriya was admitted in Civil Hospital, on 03/03/2002…
I went to Civil Hospital, I could find out my daughter Supriya there who told me her sordid tale and informed me that “Father, I could not preserve and protect my chastity.” I informed her that “I have seen you being pulled, but then after I was also attacked, hence I could not see further as to what had then happened to you. Supriya told me that she was raped by four-five persons… Next day, when I went to Civil Hospital I learnt that at 01.00 a.m. midnight, my daughter, Supriya died.
Except for two children, Abdul Majid lost all other children and his wife and lives with their memory. Like wise, 96 Muslims were tortured and burnt alive on that day.
Going through the vivid narration of over two hundred witnesses, the Special Designated Court had no hesitation in describing the incident of 28th February as one of the darkest hours of Gujarat. In paragraph 25 of her historical judgment in the Naroda Patiya case, this is how she sentenced the main accused:
[Accused No.4, 5, 20, 21, 27, 28, 30, 33, 34, 38, 39, 40, 42, 45, 46, 47, 52, 53, 55, 58, 60 and 62 (in all 22 accused) are convicted of the offence u/s.302 r/w. Sec.149 of the Indian Penal Code wherein, each of them is sentenced to the life imprisonment …
The Special designated Judge made the following observations to justify the punishment:
The gruesome and barbaric act of the accused and more particularly those seven accused who have been mentioned herein above, have crossed all limits of inhumanity. Their dastardly acts by killing as many as 96 victims by burning them alive at the site of the Muslim chawls itself is horrifying and terrifying commission of offences by these accused…
A-18 (Babu Bajrangi) is one of the principal conspirators, active overt actor of the communal riot on that day, leader and instigator for the co-accused as far as Naroda massacre is concerned. Over and above this, he was also an active member of the unlawful assembly in atleast two of the occurrences including the ghastly evening occurrence. A-37 (Mayaben Kodnani) has been proved to be the kingpin of the entire communal riot and one of the principal conspirators who has actively instigated the rioters and has abetted them to form unlawful assembly to execute the conspiracy hatched under her leadership with other co-conspirators…
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/the-death ... jDL-r7rZLM
The residents of Naroda Patiya, a small hamlet housing a few thousand poor Muslim families in Eastern Ahmedabad would not have in their wildest imagination predict that they would be systematically butchered on 28th February, 2002
On the previous day, the coach No. S6 of Sabarmati had been gutted leaving 58 passengers dead. The incident was indeed a grave tragedy. Instead of mourning the death, the Sangh Parivar conspired to use the tragedy to instigate the Hindu community to “avenge” the death of the 58 Hindu Karsevals. The Chief Minster Modi, himself went to the press on 27th February and declared that the burning of the S6 was a preplanned conspiracy of the Muslim terrorist; the stage was set for the retaliation!
54 of the 58 dead bodies were handed over to the General Secretary of VHP Shri Jaideep Patel who brought the unidentified dead bodies to Ahmedabad in the early morning of 28th February. Few of the bodies were identified right in the morning and around ten of them were taken to Jantanagar Narol, an area close to Naroda Patiya. A massive funeral procession was organized and the anger of the crowd was let loose on the hapless Muslims.
The deposition of Abdulmajid Mohammad Usman Shaikh witness no 156, before the Special Designated Court of Jyostna Yagnik, tells the sordid story of the brutality and perversity of the Sangh Parivar cadre that followed:
Around 8.30 or so, Abdul Majid had notice a large mob gathering near the Nurani Masjid which was opposite to the Naroda Patiya settlement. In his own word as recorded by he Special Judge he stated that,
Another mob was coming from Krishna Nagar at about 9.00 a.m.. These two mobs were mixed up and have attacked Nurani, torched Nurani, outside Nurani a cart of one Rajesh Kerosenewala was lying which had kerosene, even another vehicle of one Vadgeri Badshah was also with kerosene, both these carts had full kerosene which both were used to torch Nurani by using the kerosene, even a gas cylinder was also burst there to torch Nurani.
At this time, two police vehicles came near S.T. Workshop, from where three big black coloured boxes were taken out, one white car came and people started taking name of ‘Mayaben Kodnani’. She got down from the car. Mayaben (A-37) told that ‘kill them’, then the mob had attacked on us,because of this attack we all stepped back towards our Muslim chawls.
As the residents of Naroda Patiya realized that they were under a massive attack, some of the youngsters put up a defense near the only entry to the Patiya from the main road to prevent the mob from entering their settlement. That was when the local police started firing at the Muslims boys to open up the entry. In the words of Abdul Majid,
The mob attacked on us and police started firing and bursting teargas, the firing hurt Hasan Qureshi on his head, Abid on his private part who fell down there, hence we all ran towards back side of our Muslim chawls and started stepping back and back…
Abdul rushed back to his home to save his family which consisted of eight children and his wife. This is what he said,
At this time, my sister-in-law Raziyabanu (PW 151) came rushing in burnt position who had her son Shoaib aged about 20 days with her who was also burnt, on my inquiry, Raziya informed me that my mother, wife and children were also burnt near Gangotri Society in a khancha (corner). I immediately went there, I saw my wife was burning, my daughter Supriya was being pulled by Jay Bhavani, son of Jay Bhavani, Suresh Langado, Tiniyo and others. Seeing this, I remembered Allah and gave a loud call to Allah and spoke our religious slogan, at that time, I was attacked from my back side on my head, hence I fell down. There was bleeding from my head, I had injury, I remained unconscious for about half an hour. At about 07.00 p.m. I could regain my consciousness. I saw Supriya was being pulled and my wife Lalbi, daughters Afrinbanu, Sahinbanu, Sufiyabanu and sons Mohammad Hussain and Khwaja Hussain were burning there. Being bothered for remaining children, I loudly spoke their names.
Abdul Majid remain unconscious till late evening and the mob left him assuming that he had died. But Abdul lived to the tell the story:
At about 09.00 p.m. police came, called us down from the terrace, and brought us to Shah-E-Alam (Camp). I got treated at the Camp for my head injury and my son Yasin was initially treated there whose dressing was done as was too much burnt… As I had learnt that my daughter Supriya was admitted in Civil Hospital, on 03/03/2002…
I went to Civil Hospital, I could find out my daughter Supriya there who told me her sordid tale and informed me that “Father, I could not preserve and protect my chastity.” I informed her that “I have seen you being pulled, but then after I was also attacked, hence I could not see further as to what had then happened to you. Supriya told me that she was raped by four-five persons… Next day, when I went to Civil Hospital I learnt that at 01.00 a.m. midnight, my daughter, Supriya died.
Except for two children, Abdul Majid lost all other children and his wife and lives with their memory. Like wise, 96 Muslims were tortured and burnt alive on that day.
Going through the vivid narration of over two hundred witnesses, the Special Designated Court had no hesitation in describing the incident of 28th February as one of the darkest hours of Gujarat. In paragraph 25 of her historical judgment in the Naroda Patiya case, this is how she sentenced the main accused:
[Accused No.4, 5, 20, 21, 27, 28, 30, 33, 34, 38, 39, 40, 42, 45, 46, 47, 52, 53, 55, 58, 60 and 62 (in all 22 accused) are convicted of the offence u/s.302 r/w. Sec.149 of the Indian Penal Code wherein, each of them is sentenced to the life imprisonment …
The Special designated Judge made the following observations to justify the punishment:
The gruesome and barbaric act of the accused and more particularly those seven accused who have been mentioned herein above, have crossed all limits of inhumanity. Their dastardly acts by killing as many as 96 victims by burning them alive at the site of the Muslim chawls itself is horrifying and terrifying commission of offences by these accused…
A-18 (Babu Bajrangi) is one of the principal conspirators, active overt actor of the communal riot on that day, leader and instigator for the co-accused as far as Naroda massacre is concerned. Over and above this, he was also an active member of the unlawful assembly in atleast two of the occurrences including the ghastly evening occurrence. A-37 (Mayaben Kodnani) has been proved to be the kingpin of the entire communal riot and one of the principal conspirators who has actively instigated the rioters and has abetted them to form unlawful assembly to execute the conspiracy hatched under her leadership with other co-conspirators…
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/the-death ... jDL-r7rZLM
-
ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
GUJARAT CARNAGE 2002 - 2010.
CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY.
THE HARD FACTS.
I. INTRODUCTION
II. SPREAD OF THE VIOLENCE (MAPS AND TABLES)
Number of Gujarat Districts Affected (152 of the 182 Assembly Constituency Segments Affected)
Lives Lost
Number of Missing Persons
Crimes Against Women and Children
Illegal Mass Graves Found
Number of Homes Destroyed (Urban and Rural)
Destruction of Religious & Cultural Shrines of the Minority
III. HATE SPEECH
Chief Minister of Gujarat
Other BJP/RSS/VHP/BD Functionaries
IV. TARGETED ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY
V. EVIDENCE OF INVOLVEMENT OF HINDU RIGHTWING EXTREMIST ORGANISATIONS IN THE GUJARAT CARNAGE OF 2002
Involvement of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
Involvement of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP)
Involvement of the Bajrang Dal (BD)
Involvement of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
VI. INDICTED
OVERWHELMING EVIDENCE OF THE DIRECT INVOLVEMENT OF THE GUJARAT GOVERNMENT IN THE VIOLENCE THAT ENGULFED THE STATE FROM FEBRUARY 2002 ON
Chief Minister Narendra Modi
State Cabinet Ministers
State Bureaucracy - Civil Servants, Policemen
DETAILED DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE OF TOP LEVEL INVOLVEMENT (SUBMITTED TO THE NANAVATI-SHAH-MEHTA COMMISSION)
Detailed Evidence Against Chief Minister Narendra Modi and Political Bigwigs
Detailed Evidence Against Gujarat Police Top Brass
VII. SUBVERSION OF THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
Subverting the Prosecuting Agency
Punishing Officers who Followed the Law
Rewarding Subservient and Dishonest Policemen and Bureaucrats
Subversion of Bureaucracy and Modiphobia
Subservience of the Indian Police Service (IPS) association
VIII. INDICTMENTS AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT OF GUJARAT
JUDICIAL CONDEMNATION
The Best Bakery and Bilkees Bano judgments:
Pathbreaking Orders Passed by the Supreme Court in Gujarat 2002 and Related Cases
Indictments by former Chief Justices of India, Justice Verma and Justice Khare
CONDEMNATION BY STATUTORY BODIES
2002: National Human Rights Commission
Central Election Commission Postpones Elections
National Minorities Commission
Women’s Parliamentary Committee
Concerned Citizens Tribunal Crimes Against Humanity Gujarat 2002
Editor’s Guild Report
IX. RELIEF AND REHABILITATION
Ineffective Relief and Rehabilitation (Official and Independent Studies)
Pathetic Living conditions of the Refugees (Food Commissioner’s Report, Supreme Court, 2007)
Report by the National Commission for Minorities after its visit to Gujarat, October 13-17, 2006
Inadequate Compensation (Official and Independent Studies)
X. INTERNATIONAL CONDEMNATION
2002: Human Rights Watch “We Have No Orders to Save You
2002-2003: Modi debarred from visiting EU Member Nations
2003: Human Rights Watch “ Condoning Injustice”
2003: Report on International Religious Freedom
2003-2008:United Nation’s Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
2004: Report on International Religious Freedom
2005: Modi denied a visa to USA
2007: “India: Five years on - the bitter and uphill struggle for Justice in Gujarat” Report by Amnesty International
2009: Modi’s embarrassing vist to Oman
2009: Report on International Religious Freedom
2010: United Nation’s Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
XI. HOW THE GUJARAT GOVERNMENT BROKE THE LAW
Violation of the Constitution of India
Violation of the Indian Penal Code
Violation of the Principles of International Law
• Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
. Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities
• The Universal Declaration of Human Rights
• Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women
XII. NO REMORSE FOR THE DEATHS AND DESTRUCTION
XIII. THE STRUGGLE FOR JUSTICE
A Time Line
A Narrative
Pressure on Investigating Agencies
SIT’s Failure of the Supreme Court Mandate
Report on 2,000 Cases Reopened
Have the Guilty Been Punished?
Will Justice Be Delivered?
XIV. GUJARAT AFTER THE CARNAGE
A Spate of Extra Judicial Killings
No Action on Hate Speech or Writing
Violence Post 2002
Textbooks in Gujarat
Victims and Underprvileged
Significant Judgements
Right to Information in Gujarat
Good News
Other News from Gujarat
READ ALL THE ABOVE :-
http://www.gujarat-riots.com/
CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY.
THE HARD FACTS.
I. INTRODUCTION
II. SPREAD OF THE VIOLENCE (MAPS AND TABLES)
Number of Gujarat Districts Affected (152 of the 182 Assembly Constituency Segments Affected)
Lives Lost
Number of Missing Persons
Crimes Against Women and Children
Illegal Mass Graves Found
Number of Homes Destroyed (Urban and Rural)
Destruction of Religious & Cultural Shrines of the Minority
III. HATE SPEECH
Chief Minister of Gujarat
Other BJP/RSS/VHP/BD Functionaries
IV. TARGETED ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY
V. EVIDENCE OF INVOLVEMENT OF HINDU RIGHTWING EXTREMIST ORGANISATIONS IN THE GUJARAT CARNAGE OF 2002
Involvement of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
Involvement of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP)
Involvement of the Bajrang Dal (BD)
Involvement of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
VI. INDICTED
OVERWHELMING EVIDENCE OF THE DIRECT INVOLVEMENT OF THE GUJARAT GOVERNMENT IN THE VIOLENCE THAT ENGULFED THE STATE FROM FEBRUARY 2002 ON
Chief Minister Narendra Modi
State Cabinet Ministers
State Bureaucracy - Civil Servants, Policemen
DETAILED DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE OF TOP LEVEL INVOLVEMENT (SUBMITTED TO THE NANAVATI-SHAH-MEHTA COMMISSION)
Detailed Evidence Against Chief Minister Narendra Modi and Political Bigwigs
Detailed Evidence Against Gujarat Police Top Brass
VII. SUBVERSION OF THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
Subverting the Prosecuting Agency
Punishing Officers who Followed the Law
Rewarding Subservient and Dishonest Policemen and Bureaucrats
Subversion of Bureaucracy and Modiphobia
Subservience of the Indian Police Service (IPS) association
VIII. INDICTMENTS AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT OF GUJARAT
JUDICIAL CONDEMNATION
The Best Bakery and Bilkees Bano judgments:
Pathbreaking Orders Passed by the Supreme Court in Gujarat 2002 and Related Cases
Indictments by former Chief Justices of India, Justice Verma and Justice Khare
CONDEMNATION BY STATUTORY BODIES
2002: National Human Rights Commission
Central Election Commission Postpones Elections
National Minorities Commission
Women’s Parliamentary Committee
Concerned Citizens Tribunal Crimes Against Humanity Gujarat 2002
Editor’s Guild Report
IX. RELIEF AND REHABILITATION
Ineffective Relief and Rehabilitation (Official and Independent Studies)
Pathetic Living conditions of the Refugees (Food Commissioner’s Report, Supreme Court, 2007)
Report by the National Commission for Minorities after its visit to Gujarat, October 13-17, 2006
Inadequate Compensation (Official and Independent Studies)
X. INTERNATIONAL CONDEMNATION
2002: Human Rights Watch “We Have No Orders to Save You
2002-2003: Modi debarred from visiting EU Member Nations
2003: Human Rights Watch “ Condoning Injustice”
2003: Report on International Religious Freedom
2003-2008:United Nation’s Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
2004: Report on International Religious Freedom
2005: Modi denied a visa to USA
2007: “India: Five years on - the bitter and uphill struggle for Justice in Gujarat” Report by Amnesty International
2009: Modi’s embarrassing vist to Oman
2009: Report on International Religious Freedom
2010: United Nation’s Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
XI. HOW THE GUJARAT GOVERNMENT BROKE THE LAW
Violation of the Constitution of India
Violation of the Indian Penal Code
Violation of the Principles of International Law
• Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
. Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities
• The Universal Declaration of Human Rights
• Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women
XII. NO REMORSE FOR THE DEATHS AND DESTRUCTION
XIII. THE STRUGGLE FOR JUSTICE
A Time Line
A Narrative
Pressure on Investigating Agencies
SIT’s Failure of the Supreme Court Mandate
Report on 2,000 Cases Reopened
Have the Guilty Been Punished?
Will Justice Be Delivered?
XIV. GUJARAT AFTER THE CARNAGE
A Spate of Extra Judicial Killings
No Action on Hate Speech or Writing
Violence Post 2002
Textbooks in Gujarat
Victims and Underprvileged
Significant Judgements
Right to Information in Gujarat
Good News
Other News from Gujarat
READ ALL THE ABOVE :-
http://www.gujarat-riots.com/
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ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Posters in Trains Leaving for Gujarat
Posters with Hindu saints, who have faced and are facing action for different crimes, appeared in different compartments of trains leaving for Gujarat. The saints shown in the poster are Shankaracharya (Shankar Raman
murder case), Swami Nityanand (Sex scandals) Baba Ramdev (mixing bone powder in medicines), Asaram Bapu (rape molestation), Kripaluji Maharaj (Molestation). The text says that Hindu society is under siege and the guides of Hindu society are being harassed. In the posters Subramaniam Swami of BJP is quoted as saying that as per the verdict of his legal team Asaram Bapu is innocent. The poster says that there is a conspiracy against Hindu society; its saints are being hounded. This is an attack on Hindu culture.
This poster is very inflammatory and divisive. All the citizens of the country have to follow the laws of the land. Asaram’s son Narayan Sai is absconding from last several days. Nobody can be above law. The police authorities must get the posters removed and take immediate action against those who have put up these posters.
Ram Puniyani
Posters with Hindu saints, who have faced and are facing action for different crimes, appeared in different compartments of trains leaving for Gujarat. The saints shown in the poster are Shankaracharya (Shankar Raman
murder case), Swami Nityanand (Sex scandals) Baba Ramdev (mixing bone powder in medicines), Asaram Bapu (rape molestation), Kripaluji Maharaj (Molestation). The text says that Hindu society is under siege and the guides of Hindu society are being harassed. In the posters Subramaniam Swami of BJP is quoted as saying that as per the verdict of his legal team Asaram Bapu is innocent. The poster says that there is a conspiracy against Hindu society; its saints are being hounded. This is an attack on Hindu culture.
This poster is very inflammatory and divisive. All the citizens of the country have to follow the laws of the land. Asaram’s son Narayan Sai is absconding from last several days. Nobody can be above law. The police authorities must get the posters removed and take immediate action against those who have put up these posters.
Ram Puniyani
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ghulam muhammed
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- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
The Murder most Foul. The Rape and Murder of Kauserbi.
She was raped and brutally killed by a group of policemen in Ahmedabad and her body was burnt on the river bed of a small village called Illol, the village of D.G.Vanzara, the DIG of Anti Terrorism Squad (ATS). They murdered her as she was the eye witness to the kidnapping of her husband Sohrabuddin.
Sohrabuddin and Kausarbi had boarded a luxury bus from Hyderabad to go to Sangli, Maharashtra at about 9 p.m on 22.11.2005. But they never reached Sangli. A group of policemen from Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh led by an IPS officer from Gujarat, Shri Rajkumar Pandyan, kidnapped them on their way in the wee hours of 22nd/23rd November, 2005. One passenger Sharad Apte who was travelling in the same bus stated before CBI that around 1.30 a.m on 23rd Nov, a Qualis Jeep blocked their bus and three policemen with guns abducted Sohrabuddin and another man and took them away. While getting down, Kauserbi refused to allow the police to take away Sohrabuddin alone and she was heard shouting that she would not allow them to take her “Shoher” alone.
The recent supplementary charge-sheet filed by CBI on 6th May 2013 alleges that Vimal Patni, the owner of R K Marbles and former Home Minister of Rajasthan Shri Gulab Chand Kataria had conspired to kill Sohrabuddin as he was allegedly trying to extort money from R K Marbles. The killing was outsourced to the Gujarat Police in consultation with Amit Shah, the Minister of State for Home of Gujarat. Kauserbi became the tragic victim of the inter-state conspiracy and subterfuge.
Sohrabuddin was “encountered” in the early morning of 26th November, 2005. Kauserbi was confined in a farmhouse known as Arham farm from 26th to 28th November, 2005 (Amjad Ali who was killed along with Javed-Ishrat was also kept at Arham farm). One PSI Chaube was given the job to guard her. The evidence of a Gujarat Police man first revealed Chaube’s heinous act. Ravindra Makwana ASI, PW-25 on 25.8.2010, stated before the CBI that,
With regard to Smt Kauserbi, I state that Ajay Parmar and Santram Sharma ( two other policemen who have turned witnesses) while discussing stated that Shri Choube the then PSI who was deputed to look after Smt Kauserbi, raped her in farm house.
The last journey of Kauserbi was of course the most brutal. On 29th November around 12.30 p.m, she was taken to the ATS office at Shahibaug by PSI Choube. DG Vanzara, DIG and Rajkumar Pandyan, SP, tried to buy peace with her and offered her a huge sum of money for her silence but she refused. On being told about the death of Sohrabuddin, she turned hysteric. Narendra Amin, DySP Crime Branch Ahmedabad, who was earlier a doctor by profession, was summoned by Vanzara around 4 p.m. Kauserbi was drugged and killed in that very office.
As per the statement of PI Rathod, Vanzara called him to fetch a tempo to transport firewood around 5 p.m. Kauserbi’s dead body was carried away in a police jeep to Illol village from ATS office around 6 p.m. The last part of this heinous tale is most lucidly explained by another Police Officer, DySP Padheria, who was the first Investigation Officer of the Sohrabuddin murder case under the order of the Supreme Court:
I further state that during the examination of Nathubha Jadeja, driver stated that Kauserbi was cremated by Sh. Vanzara, the then DIG , ATS, Sh. R.K. Pandiyan, the then SP, ATS, Sh. N.K. Amin, Dy.S.P., B.R. Chaubey, NV Chauhan, both were sub-inspectors, on the bed of Dhavdi river at Village Illol and her remains of bones and ashes were cooled down by pouring water and was kept in a gunny bag. Thereafter, Shri BR Chaube, the then sub-inspector and NV Chauhan, the then sub-inspector, had taken the remnants of Kauserbi to dispose off in the Narmada River in Bharuch District.
Nirbhaya’s rape and murder had aroused the whole country and rightly so. Why is there a deafening silence in the case of Kauserbi?
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/the-murde ... -kauserbi/
She was raped and brutally killed by a group of policemen in Ahmedabad and her body was burnt on the river bed of a small village called Illol, the village of D.G.Vanzara, the DIG of Anti Terrorism Squad (ATS). They murdered her as she was the eye witness to the kidnapping of her husband Sohrabuddin.
Sohrabuddin and Kausarbi had boarded a luxury bus from Hyderabad to go to Sangli, Maharashtra at about 9 p.m on 22.11.2005. But they never reached Sangli. A group of policemen from Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh led by an IPS officer from Gujarat, Shri Rajkumar Pandyan, kidnapped them on their way in the wee hours of 22nd/23rd November, 2005. One passenger Sharad Apte who was travelling in the same bus stated before CBI that around 1.30 a.m on 23rd Nov, a Qualis Jeep blocked their bus and three policemen with guns abducted Sohrabuddin and another man and took them away. While getting down, Kauserbi refused to allow the police to take away Sohrabuddin alone and she was heard shouting that she would not allow them to take her “Shoher” alone.
The recent supplementary charge-sheet filed by CBI on 6th May 2013 alleges that Vimal Patni, the owner of R K Marbles and former Home Minister of Rajasthan Shri Gulab Chand Kataria had conspired to kill Sohrabuddin as he was allegedly trying to extort money from R K Marbles. The killing was outsourced to the Gujarat Police in consultation with Amit Shah, the Minister of State for Home of Gujarat. Kauserbi became the tragic victim of the inter-state conspiracy and subterfuge.
Sohrabuddin was “encountered” in the early morning of 26th November, 2005. Kauserbi was confined in a farmhouse known as Arham farm from 26th to 28th November, 2005 (Amjad Ali who was killed along with Javed-Ishrat was also kept at Arham farm). One PSI Chaube was given the job to guard her. The evidence of a Gujarat Police man first revealed Chaube’s heinous act. Ravindra Makwana ASI, PW-25 on 25.8.2010, stated before the CBI that,
With regard to Smt Kauserbi, I state that Ajay Parmar and Santram Sharma ( two other policemen who have turned witnesses) while discussing stated that Shri Choube the then PSI who was deputed to look after Smt Kauserbi, raped her in farm house.
The last journey of Kauserbi was of course the most brutal. On 29th November around 12.30 p.m, she was taken to the ATS office at Shahibaug by PSI Choube. DG Vanzara, DIG and Rajkumar Pandyan, SP, tried to buy peace with her and offered her a huge sum of money for her silence but she refused. On being told about the death of Sohrabuddin, she turned hysteric. Narendra Amin, DySP Crime Branch Ahmedabad, who was earlier a doctor by profession, was summoned by Vanzara around 4 p.m. Kauserbi was drugged and killed in that very office.
As per the statement of PI Rathod, Vanzara called him to fetch a tempo to transport firewood around 5 p.m. Kauserbi’s dead body was carried away in a police jeep to Illol village from ATS office around 6 p.m. The last part of this heinous tale is most lucidly explained by another Police Officer, DySP Padheria, who was the first Investigation Officer of the Sohrabuddin murder case under the order of the Supreme Court:
I further state that during the examination of Nathubha Jadeja, driver stated that Kauserbi was cremated by Sh. Vanzara, the then DIG , ATS, Sh. R.K. Pandiyan, the then SP, ATS, Sh. N.K. Amin, Dy.S.P., B.R. Chaubey, NV Chauhan, both were sub-inspectors, on the bed of Dhavdi river at Village Illol and her remains of bones and ashes were cooled down by pouring water and was kept in a gunny bag. Thereafter, Shri BR Chaube, the then sub-inspector and NV Chauhan, the then sub-inspector, had taken the remnants of Kauserbi to dispose off in the Narmada River in Bharuch District.
Nirbhaya’s rape and murder had aroused the whole country and rightly so. Why is there a deafening silence in the case of Kauserbi?
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/the-murde ... -kauserbi/
-
ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Did the fire in S6 Coach start because someone poured petrol and ignited it?
It is alleged that, on 27th February 2002, the fire in which 58 people were burnt alive in the S6 coach of the ill-fated Sabarmati Express was started from inside by pouring over 120 litres of petrol and alighting it as part of a pre-planned conspiracy. Jan Sangharsh Manch (JSM) has always maintained that the Godhra train burning incident was an unfortunate accident because of a spontaneous fire and was not a pre-planned conspiracy as alleged.
Let’s see extracts from witness testimonies of some of the survivors of this S6 Coach of the Sabaramati Express made before the Nanavati Commission appointed by the Gujarat Government.
Deposition by Witness No.34: Maheshbhai Cheljibhai Chaudhary
I became unconscious on the ground immediately after jumping (from the train window). After some I regained my consciousness. I was taken to Godhra civil hospital. While I had jumped out and fallen on the ground, I was not beaten by anybody nor was I threatened of beating by anybody. Before jumping out from the coach I had not seen any fluid on the floor of the coach near the place where I was sitting.
Deposition by Witness No.35: Savitaben Tribhovandas Sadhu
I had not seen any person coming inside the coach from outside and pouring any fluid…
Deposition by witness no.37: Dwarkabhai Shankarbhai Patel
Till I came out of the coach, I had not seen any flames. As long as I was inside the coach, I had not noticed any fluid having been poured inside the coach.
Deposition by witness no 38: Jayantibhai Umeddas Patel
Till I came out of the coach, I had not seen any material burning on the floor. As long as I was inside the coach, I had not seen any person pouring any fluid inside the coach from carboy. The smell of the smoke was like that of half-burnt scooter or rickshaw. The smell was like that of burning rubber. It was also like burning of luggage. My bag of cotton cloth was also burnt in the incident…
Deposition by witness no 40. Ramfersinh Babusinh Rajput
The flames were moving towards seats from the window and because of the flame, my ear was burnt. At that time there was no fire on the floor of the coach. At that time there was no fire on the upper berths and luggage stacked thereon. I had not seen any person throwing inflammable fluid inside the coach. While I was moving all around for getting out, I had not seen any inflammable fluid having been thrown on the floor.
Deposition by witness no 44. Lalanprasad Kishorilal Chorasia
My clothes were burnt. The police have taken custody of my clothes. I had not seen any person inside the coach putting any inflammable fluid.
Atleast 6 depositions made by survivors of the S6 coach before the Nanavati Commission state that they had not seen any inflammable fluid on the floor of the train. Furthermore, there are also testimonies which state that the smell was that of burning rubber which is distinctly different from the smell of burning petrol.
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/did-the-f ... gnited-it/
It is alleged that, on 27th February 2002, the fire in which 58 people were burnt alive in the S6 coach of the ill-fated Sabarmati Express was started from inside by pouring over 120 litres of petrol and alighting it as part of a pre-planned conspiracy. Jan Sangharsh Manch (JSM) has always maintained that the Godhra train burning incident was an unfortunate accident because of a spontaneous fire and was not a pre-planned conspiracy as alleged.
Let’s see extracts from witness testimonies of some of the survivors of this S6 Coach of the Sabaramati Express made before the Nanavati Commission appointed by the Gujarat Government.
Deposition by Witness No.34: Maheshbhai Cheljibhai Chaudhary
I became unconscious on the ground immediately after jumping (from the train window). After some I regained my consciousness. I was taken to Godhra civil hospital. While I had jumped out and fallen on the ground, I was not beaten by anybody nor was I threatened of beating by anybody. Before jumping out from the coach I had not seen any fluid on the floor of the coach near the place where I was sitting.
Deposition by Witness No.35: Savitaben Tribhovandas Sadhu
I had not seen any person coming inside the coach from outside and pouring any fluid…
Deposition by witness no.37: Dwarkabhai Shankarbhai Patel
Till I came out of the coach, I had not seen any flames. As long as I was inside the coach, I had not noticed any fluid having been poured inside the coach.
Deposition by witness no 38: Jayantibhai Umeddas Patel
Till I came out of the coach, I had not seen any material burning on the floor. As long as I was inside the coach, I had not seen any person pouring any fluid inside the coach from carboy. The smell of the smoke was like that of half-burnt scooter or rickshaw. The smell was like that of burning rubber. It was also like burning of luggage. My bag of cotton cloth was also burnt in the incident…
Deposition by witness no 40. Ramfersinh Babusinh Rajput
The flames were moving towards seats from the window and because of the flame, my ear was burnt. At that time there was no fire on the floor of the coach. At that time there was no fire on the upper berths and luggage stacked thereon. I had not seen any person throwing inflammable fluid inside the coach. While I was moving all around for getting out, I had not seen any inflammable fluid having been thrown on the floor.
Deposition by witness no 44. Lalanprasad Kishorilal Chorasia
My clothes were burnt. The police have taken custody of my clothes. I had not seen any person inside the coach putting any inflammable fluid.
Atleast 6 depositions made by survivors of the S6 coach before the Nanavati Commission state that they had not seen any inflammable fluid on the floor of the train. Furthermore, there are also testimonies which state that the smell was that of burning rubber which is distinctly different from the smell of burning petrol.
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/did-the-f ... gnited-it/
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ghulam muhammed
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Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Burning of S6 Coach at Godhra using ‘Petrol’- A Fabricated story
It took Government of Gujarat only 10 hours to declare that the burning of S6 Coach of Sabarmati Express at Godhra on 27th February, 2002 was the result of a pre-planned conspiracy to kill karsevaks but it took them another full year to name the fuel that was used to “burn down” the Coach.
Ranjit Singh Patel, the key police witness in the Sabarmati train case, spilled his beans in a sting operation carried out by Tehelka and revealed that he was paid Rs. 50000/- to name Salim Panwala and two other accused at the behest of the Investigating Officer Shri Noel Parmer (The transcript of this sting operation is available at the bottom of the post). This admission by Ranjit Patel demolishes his second statement before the Police that he had sold 140 litres of Petrol to Salim. So where did the petrol come from?
It is clearly seen that first 9 witnesses were fabricated to make a case of burning from outside the coach using kerosene. Since that did not stand the scrutiny of FSL, the story was conveniently changed to show that coach was burnt from inside using 140 litres of petrol. However their star witness, Ranjit Singh Patel, who had stated that he had sold petrol to Salim Panawala, got caught in a Tehelka string operation and admitted that he had taken Rs 50000 to give a false statement. Another witness, Binyamin Behera also retracted his statement based on which the entire Petrol theory was founded. Mr Talati failed to do a quantitative analysis of the gas chromatograph to find out whether he found burnt residual petrol or raw liquid petrol – and JSM’s analysis proved that he’d found unburnt petrol instead of burnt residual petrol.
All these evidences and observations prove that the Gujarat Government’s claim that the S6 Coach was burnt by pouring petrol inside the coach is absolutely concocted and experts need to review the evidence in this regards.
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/burning-s ... ted-story/
It took Government of Gujarat only 10 hours to declare that the burning of S6 Coach of Sabarmati Express at Godhra on 27th February, 2002 was the result of a pre-planned conspiracy to kill karsevaks but it took them another full year to name the fuel that was used to “burn down” the Coach.
Ranjit Singh Patel, the key police witness in the Sabarmati train case, spilled his beans in a sting operation carried out by Tehelka and revealed that he was paid Rs. 50000/- to name Salim Panwala and two other accused at the behest of the Investigating Officer Shri Noel Parmer (The transcript of this sting operation is available at the bottom of the post). This admission by Ranjit Patel demolishes his second statement before the Police that he had sold 140 litres of Petrol to Salim. So where did the petrol come from?
It is clearly seen that first 9 witnesses were fabricated to make a case of burning from outside the coach using kerosene. Since that did not stand the scrutiny of FSL, the story was conveniently changed to show that coach was burnt from inside using 140 litres of petrol. However their star witness, Ranjit Singh Patel, who had stated that he had sold petrol to Salim Panawala, got caught in a Tehelka string operation and admitted that he had taken Rs 50000 to give a false statement. Another witness, Binyamin Behera also retracted his statement based on which the entire Petrol theory was founded. Mr Talati failed to do a quantitative analysis of the gas chromatograph to find out whether he found burnt residual petrol or raw liquid petrol – and JSM’s analysis proved that he’d found unburnt petrol instead of burnt residual petrol.
All these evidences and observations prove that the Gujarat Government’s claim that the S6 Coach was burnt by pouring petrol inside the coach is absolutely concocted and experts need to review the evidence in this regards.
http://www.truthofgujarat.com/burning-s ... ted-story/
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ghulam muhammed
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Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Hate Speech
The carnage in Gujarat was marked by unprecedented levels of hate speech and hate propaganda. Some examples:
http://www.sabrang.com/tribunal/volI/annex/annex10.html
The carnage in Gujarat was marked by unprecedented levels of hate speech and hate propaganda. Some examples:
http://www.sabrang.com/tribunal/volI/annex/annex10.html
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ghulam muhammed
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- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Worlds apart in a divided city
Muslims, who used to live across Ahmedabad, are now increasingly flocking to ghettos, mostly along the city’s fringes
Sajid Row Houses in the Maqdoomnagar locality of eastern Ahmedabad’s Vatwa suburb is an unauthorised colony that has existed for nearly 15 years. And so does Dharmabhoomi Society, divided by a wall nearly 10 metres away. But the similarity ends there.
This is one of the very few mixed neighbourhoods left in communally divided Ahmedabad, with more ghettos coming up over the last decade. Muslims from many areas who used to be scattered across the city are now flocking together in ghettos like Vatwa, a disorganised, industrial suburb.
No isolated instance
And a staggering four lakh-plus of them from all walks of life have moved into Juhapura, considered to be the biggest Muslim ghetto in Asia. Before the 2002 communal riots, Juhapura had an estimated 2.5 lakh people.
Most ghettos have come up on the fringes of the city, away from the Hindu mainstream and lacking in basic amenities.
Sajid Row Houses, that has 150 houses, and Qutb-e-alamnagar with around 500 — in Maqdoomnagar — present a picture of filth, slush and puddles of dirty water. They swarm with flies and mosquitoes. There are no sewerage lines. A foul smell permeates the air. There is no water supply, and whatever is drawn is not always potable. The garbage van from the Bharatiya Janata Party-controlled Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) is erratic.
In contrast, if you are perched on the top floor of any house in the Sajid Row Houses and look over the wall on the other side, Dharmabhoomi Society looks quite different. It has almost all the facilities that this neighbourhood lacks.
This is not an isolated instance, and is the same story in other places too. “What more can explain the reality than the fact that ours is a Muslim colony and theirs is not?” quips Subedar Shaikh, a retired railway employee living in Sajid Row Houses.
Unauthorised
They came to live here in 1998, “but out of the blue the AMC declared this reserved land for public purposes in 2004, and so our colony has now become unauthorised,” he says. The AMC would not even include the society under its impact fee scheme that envisages regularising unauthorised constructions for a fee, points out Shabbir Shaikh.
“We are ready with all legal procedures completed but they would just not listen to us.”
Wasim Ansari, a local BJP leader for the last 15 years, counters this. “This problem is not restricted to Maqdoomnagar. It exists in all illegal Muslim colonies in Ahmedabad because of the nexus between the Muslim builder mafia and Congress councillors.
“They set up illegal societies without providing any facilities and later leave the residents to fend for themselves. Look at the Hindu builders and the colonies they build. They are so well laid-out with all facilities. It is not right to blame the ruling party and give a communal angle to this,” he argues.
What Mr. Ansari says, however, is only the partial truth, what with illegal constructions having proliferated across the city over the years irrespective of which community built them. Senior Congress leader J.V. Momin points out: “By the AMC’s own admission, there are as many as five lakh unauthorised constructions in Ahmedabad alone and most are in so-called posh Hindu areas. Regularising many of them is easier than doing so with those in Muslim areas.”
“Illegal buildings cannot come up overnight without the connivance of officials and rulers of the AMC. What were they doing? And now this discrimination,” he says.
Come to Alifnagar in Vatwa, where people veritably live in the middle of garbage, slush and potholes full of turbid water.
“Forget gutter lines, water supply or garbage clearance. The AMC does not even conduct any fumigation in the area,” says Afsana Bano, who runs a small shop here. You need to perform some acrobatics to avoid stepping on the dirt to reach her shop. With no support from either the AMC or the small-time builder who set up the colony, people in the 54 houses in Nazar Park recently pooled small sums of money to lay an illegal drainage line.
Neglect & development
Cut to Juhapura on the western tip of Ahmedabad, which throws up not only all the woes that the smaller ghettos like Vatwa and others face, but also a worrying reality. This is that, if you are a Muslim in Gujarat you have no option but to head for a ghetto, irrespective of your economic and professional status.
This explains the emergence of two Juhapuras in the area. One that has economically well-off professionals living in plush apartment buildings and bungalows, not by choice but by force — for nobody would give them a house in Ahmedabad’s mainstream upmarket Hindu areas.
Tucked away behind these buildings on the main road that leads to a highway towards the Saurashtra region is the other Juhapura, where every colony resembles a huge slum. The civic infrastructure here — or the lack of it — has remained the same through the years, while the population has doubled because of an influx of riot victims and those scattered in other parts of the city.
The contrast between Muslim Juhapura and Hindu Vejalpur, neighbourhoods on either side of a road that is popularly known as Border, is as striking as it is between Sajid Row Houses and Dharmabhoomi Society in Vatwa. One is a story of neglect, another is one of development — split by just a road.
http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp ... 279482.ece
Muslims, who used to live across Ahmedabad, are now increasingly flocking to ghettos, mostly along the city’s fringes
Sajid Row Houses in the Maqdoomnagar locality of eastern Ahmedabad’s Vatwa suburb is an unauthorised colony that has existed for nearly 15 years. And so does Dharmabhoomi Society, divided by a wall nearly 10 metres away. But the similarity ends there.
This is one of the very few mixed neighbourhoods left in communally divided Ahmedabad, with more ghettos coming up over the last decade. Muslims from many areas who used to be scattered across the city are now flocking together in ghettos like Vatwa, a disorganised, industrial suburb.
No isolated instance
And a staggering four lakh-plus of them from all walks of life have moved into Juhapura, considered to be the biggest Muslim ghetto in Asia. Before the 2002 communal riots, Juhapura had an estimated 2.5 lakh people.
Most ghettos have come up on the fringes of the city, away from the Hindu mainstream and lacking in basic amenities.
Sajid Row Houses, that has 150 houses, and Qutb-e-alamnagar with around 500 — in Maqdoomnagar — present a picture of filth, slush and puddles of dirty water. They swarm with flies and mosquitoes. There are no sewerage lines. A foul smell permeates the air. There is no water supply, and whatever is drawn is not always potable. The garbage van from the Bharatiya Janata Party-controlled Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) is erratic.
In contrast, if you are perched on the top floor of any house in the Sajid Row Houses and look over the wall on the other side, Dharmabhoomi Society looks quite different. It has almost all the facilities that this neighbourhood lacks.
This is not an isolated instance, and is the same story in other places too. “What more can explain the reality than the fact that ours is a Muslim colony and theirs is not?” quips Subedar Shaikh, a retired railway employee living in Sajid Row Houses.
Unauthorised
They came to live here in 1998, “but out of the blue the AMC declared this reserved land for public purposes in 2004, and so our colony has now become unauthorised,” he says. The AMC would not even include the society under its impact fee scheme that envisages regularising unauthorised constructions for a fee, points out Shabbir Shaikh.
“We are ready with all legal procedures completed but they would just not listen to us.”
Wasim Ansari, a local BJP leader for the last 15 years, counters this. “This problem is not restricted to Maqdoomnagar. It exists in all illegal Muslim colonies in Ahmedabad because of the nexus between the Muslim builder mafia and Congress councillors.
“They set up illegal societies without providing any facilities and later leave the residents to fend for themselves. Look at the Hindu builders and the colonies they build. They are so well laid-out with all facilities. It is not right to blame the ruling party and give a communal angle to this,” he argues.
What Mr. Ansari says, however, is only the partial truth, what with illegal constructions having proliferated across the city over the years irrespective of which community built them. Senior Congress leader J.V. Momin points out: “By the AMC’s own admission, there are as many as five lakh unauthorised constructions in Ahmedabad alone and most are in so-called posh Hindu areas. Regularising many of them is easier than doing so with those in Muslim areas.”
“Illegal buildings cannot come up overnight without the connivance of officials and rulers of the AMC. What were they doing? And now this discrimination,” he says.
Come to Alifnagar in Vatwa, where people veritably live in the middle of garbage, slush and potholes full of turbid water.
“Forget gutter lines, water supply or garbage clearance. The AMC does not even conduct any fumigation in the area,” says Afsana Bano, who runs a small shop here. You need to perform some acrobatics to avoid stepping on the dirt to reach her shop. With no support from either the AMC or the small-time builder who set up the colony, people in the 54 houses in Nazar Park recently pooled small sums of money to lay an illegal drainage line.
Neglect & development
Cut to Juhapura on the western tip of Ahmedabad, which throws up not only all the woes that the smaller ghettos like Vatwa and others face, but also a worrying reality. This is that, if you are a Muslim in Gujarat you have no option but to head for a ghetto, irrespective of your economic and professional status.
This explains the emergence of two Juhapuras in the area. One that has economically well-off professionals living in plush apartment buildings and bungalows, not by choice but by force — for nobody would give them a house in Ahmedabad’s mainstream upmarket Hindu areas.
Tucked away behind these buildings on the main road that leads to a highway towards the Saurashtra region is the other Juhapura, where every colony resembles a huge slum. The civic infrastructure here — or the lack of it — has remained the same through the years, while the population has doubled because of an influx of riot victims and those scattered in other parts of the city.
The contrast between Muslim Juhapura and Hindu Vejalpur, neighbourhoods on either side of a road that is popularly known as Border, is as striking as it is between Sajid Row Houses and Dharmabhoomi Society in Vatwa. One is a story of neglect, another is one of development — split by just a road.
http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp ... 279482.ece
-
ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Did the fire in S6 Coach start because someone poured petrol and ignited it?
It is alleged that, on 27th February 2002, the fire in which 58 people were burnt alive in the S6 coach of the ill-fated Sabarmati Express was started from inside by pouring over 120 litres of petrol and alighting it as part of a pre-planned conspiracy. Jan Sangharsh Manch (JSM) has always maintained that the Godhra train burning incident was an unfortunate accident because of a spontaneous fire and was not a pre-planned conspiracy as alleged.
Let’s see extracts from witness testimonies of some of the survivors of this S6 Coach of the Sabaramati Express made before the Nanavati Commission appointed by the Gujarat Government.
Deposition by Witness No.34: Maheshbhai Cheljibhai Chaudhary
I became unconscious on the ground immediately after jumping (from the train window). After some I regained my consciousness. I was taken to Godhra civil hospital. While I had jumped out and fallen on the ground, I was not beaten by anybody nor was I threatened of beating by anybody. Before jumping out from the coach I had not seen any fluid on the floor of the coach near the place where I was sitting.
Deposition by Witness No.35: Savitaben Tribhovandas Sadhu
I had not seen any person coming inside the coach from outside and pouring any fluid…
Deposition by witness no.37: Dwarkabhai Shankarbhai Patel
Till I came out of the coach, I had not seen any flames. As long as I was inside the coach, I had not noticed any fluid having been poured inside the coach.
Deposition by witness no 38: Jayantibhai Umeddas Patel
Till I came out of the coach, I had not seen any material burning on the floor. As long as I was inside the coach, I had not seen any person pouring any fluid inside the coach from carboy. The smell of the smoke was like that of half-burnt scooter or rickshaw. The smell was like that of burning rubber. It was also like burning of luggage. My bag of cotton cloth was also burnt in the incident…
Deposition by witness no 40. Ramfersinh Babusinh Rajput
The flames were moving towards seats from the window and because of the flame, my ear was burnt. At that time there was no fire on the floor of the coach. At that time there was no fire on the upper berths and luggage stacked thereon. I had not seen any person throwing inflammable fluid inside the coach. While I was moving all around for getting out, I had not seen any inflammable fluid having been thrown on the floor.
Deposition by witness no 44. Lalanprasad Kishorilal Chorasia
My clothes were burnt. The police have taken custody of my clothes. I had not seen any person inside the coach putting any inflammable fluid.
Atleast 6 depositions made by survivors of the S6 coach before the Nanavati Commission state that they had not seen any inflammable fluid on the floor of the train. Furthermore, there are also testimonies which state that the smell was that of burning rubber which is distinctly different from the smell of burning petrol.
--Read More At: http://www.truthofgujarat.com/did-the-f ... gnited-it/
It is alleged that, on 27th February 2002, the fire in which 58 people were burnt alive in the S6 coach of the ill-fated Sabarmati Express was started from inside by pouring over 120 litres of petrol and alighting it as part of a pre-planned conspiracy. Jan Sangharsh Manch (JSM) has always maintained that the Godhra train burning incident was an unfortunate accident because of a spontaneous fire and was not a pre-planned conspiracy as alleged.
Let’s see extracts from witness testimonies of some of the survivors of this S6 Coach of the Sabaramati Express made before the Nanavati Commission appointed by the Gujarat Government.
Deposition by Witness No.34: Maheshbhai Cheljibhai Chaudhary
I became unconscious on the ground immediately after jumping (from the train window). After some I regained my consciousness. I was taken to Godhra civil hospital. While I had jumped out and fallen on the ground, I was not beaten by anybody nor was I threatened of beating by anybody. Before jumping out from the coach I had not seen any fluid on the floor of the coach near the place where I was sitting.
Deposition by Witness No.35: Savitaben Tribhovandas Sadhu
I had not seen any person coming inside the coach from outside and pouring any fluid…
Deposition by witness no.37: Dwarkabhai Shankarbhai Patel
Till I came out of the coach, I had not seen any flames. As long as I was inside the coach, I had not noticed any fluid having been poured inside the coach.
Deposition by witness no 38: Jayantibhai Umeddas Patel
Till I came out of the coach, I had not seen any material burning on the floor. As long as I was inside the coach, I had not seen any person pouring any fluid inside the coach from carboy. The smell of the smoke was like that of half-burnt scooter or rickshaw. The smell was like that of burning rubber. It was also like burning of luggage. My bag of cotton cloth was also burnt in the incident…
Deposition by witness no 40. Ramfersinh Babusinh Rajput
The flames were moving towards seats from the window and because of the flame, my ear was burnt. At that time there was no fire on the floor of the coach. At that time there was no fire on the upper berths and luggage stacked thereon. I had not seen any person throwing inflammable fluid inside the coach. While I was moving all around for getting out, I had not seen any inflammable fluid having been thrown on the floor.
Deposition by witness no 44. Lalanprasad Kishorilal Chorasia
My clothes were burnt. The police have taken custody of my clothes. I had not seen any person inside the coach putting any inflammable fluid.
Atleast 6 depositions made by survivors of the S6 coach before the Nanavati Commission state that they had not seen any inflammable fluid on the floor of the train. Furthermore, there are also testimonies which state that the smell was that of burning rubber which is distinctly different from the smell of burning petrol.
--Read More At: http://www.truthofgujarat.com/did-the-f ... gnited-it/
-
ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
December 27, 2013
PRESS RELEASE
On behalf of thousands of survivors of the 2002 genocidal pogrom that took place in Gujarat from February – May 2002, the Citizens for Justice and Peace expresses deep disappointment and anguish at the verdict of the Magistrate Court, Judge BJ Ganatra accepting the dismissal of serious criminal charges of criminal conspiracy against chief minister Narendra
Modi and 59 others. The Supreme Court appointed Special Investigation team (SIT) had filed a closure report in this case, despite finding many of the serious allegations in the Zakia Ahsan Jafri complaint dated 8.6.2006 to be true. The Judge on 26.12.2013 accepted the closure report of the SIT.
Amicus Curiae in this unique case, senior advocate Raju Ramachandran had differed significantly with the SIT and opined that there was enough evidence to prosecute Modi under Sections 153(a), 153(b) and 166 of the Indian penal Code. *The CJP will continue to assist Smt Zakia Ahsan Jafri in appealing to the higher courts for justice. * The 3-4 tiered system of
justice in India is designed to correct wrongs and we are confident that the serious charges of criminal conspiracy, abetment, murder, arson etc will finally result in the prosecution of the powerful. Meanwhile it remains a trying time for survivors and human rights defenders who stand firm in their fight for justice.
A detailed analysis of the 450 page judgement will be made available by the CJP within a week. Meanwhile, the CJP would like to state that the detailed construction of criminal conspiracy and abetments presented before the Magistrate’s Court on legal and factual grounds was completely ignored by the Court despite substantive evidence from the investigation papers.
Counsel for the Complainant, relying on statements recorded by the SIT, documentary and other evidence existing on the record of the Trial Court, had argued, in detailed oral arguments presented to the Court, between June-September 2013, that though the law requires establishment of only a prima facie case of serious suspicion for framing charges against Modi and other accused in offences of cognisable nature, but, in fact, there exists more than ample evidence, which is not only sufficient for framing charges but also for proceeding with the trial and for convicting Modi and other accused on charges of conspiracy and abetment for committing murder, arson and brutal massacre throughout Gujarat.
The widespread violence that engulfed Gujarat spreading to 19 of the State’s 25 districts – 14 very seriously - post the tragic burning to death of 59 persons in the S-6 Coach of the Sabarmati Express is perhaps the worst ever record of reprisal communal violence in post-Independence India. It was not simply the number of lives lost, though the number — perhaps 2,000 — is not insignificant. It was the cold-blooded manner in which they were taken, as armed militias with high level government sanction, ensured a high level brutality in the killings, mutilation, rapes and burnings. Over 200 girls and women suffered sexual violence, 18,000 homes and 1,200 hotels were gutted. The unfortunate pattern behind the reprisal killings was that the loss of life and property was that of the minority.
Since 2002, when the National Human Rights Commission filed its Interim and Final Reports and 2003 and 2004 when the Hon’ble Supreme Court first pulled up the State government for absence to ‘observe its Raj Dharma' and accused it of criminal negligence:“The Neros in Gujarat fiddled as Gujarat burned”. Serious allegations of top level criminal conspiracy in
masterminding the violence have been made against the chief functionaries of the government.
The NHRC concluded in its Report dated 31.5. 2002 that “there was a comprehensive failure of the State to protect the Constitutional rights of the people of Gujarat”. The Supreme Court of India, while severely indicting the Gujarat government, transferred two trials outside of Gujarat i.e.* BEST Bakery and Bilkees Bano*. The Supreme Court has been well aware of the larger conspiracy behind the 2002 carnage and the Court's orders, one after the other, in different cases related to the 2002 carnage, have reflected this. Various orders passed by the Supreme Court, including the path-breaking directions in the Best Bakery case and other important developments, ultimately led to the formation and reconstitution of the SIT on 26.3.2008 to further investigate nine of the crucial trials relating to the 2002 carnage.
Of the 300 violent incidents all over the State of Gujarat that took place with sinister precision and conspiracy, two of the worst in terms of intensity took place within Ahmedabad (Naroda Patiya and Gulberg Society) with over 200 brutal massacres, including daylight rapes and burnings the day after the Godhra train burning on 28.2.2002. At the Gulberg society where Mrs Jafri and her husband lived, a total of 69 persons were massacred in cold blood after young girls and women had also been raped. Over 200 distress phone calls, including several to the commissioner of police, Ahmedabad and chief executive of the state had brought no relief. By August 2002 the Government itself had recorded 185 cases of attacks on women of which 100 were in Ahmedabad city and 57 attacks on children of which 33 were in Ahmedabad alone. Totally, 225 women and 65 children were killed.
Evidence from the State Intelligence given to the Chief Election Commission (CEC) in August 2002 revealed that communal incidents had taken place in 993 villages and 151 towns spread over 153 assembly constituencies (out of a total of 182 in the state). By Aug 2002 (as recorded in the Report of the Women’s Parliamentary Committee) as many as 132,532 persons had been displaced / forced to leave their houses & were living in 121 riot relief camps of which 58 were in Ahmedabad city. By 1st June 2002 (as recorded in the Report of the Women’s Parliamentary Committee) there had been 4954 cases
(2023 urban and 2931 rural) of residential houses having been completely destroyed. There were a further 18,924 cases of partially damaged houses (11,199 urban & 7095 rural) - i.e. more than 23,000 houses had been destroyed or damaged by the rioters. Thereafter a further 5000 urban houses and a 1000 rural houses were destroyed or damaged.
It was the sinister planning and systematic nature of violence that led the widow of the slain former parliamentarian, Smt Zakia Ahsan Jafri, assisted by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP),to file a complaint dated 8.6.2006 of criminal conspiracy and abetment to commit mass murder, violate established criminal law and police manual norms, destroy records and
evidence against the chief executive of the State- Narendra Modi and 59 others.
After the complaint of Smt Jafri was filed on 8.6.2006, when the Gujarat police refused to register a case of serious offences of cognizable nature, Smt Jafri and Citizens for Justie and Peace (CJP approached the Gujarat High Court with prayers to order registration of FIR and transfer of investigation to the CBI. When the High Court rejecting the Petition, Zakia Jafri and Citizens for Justice & Peace (CJP) approached the Supreme Court. Notice was issued on their Petition (SLP No. 1088/2008) on 3.3.2008. Thereafter, vide Order dated 27.4.2009 the SIT, which was already probing in other incidents,
was asked “to look into” the Complaint dated 8.6.2006. An Amicus Curiae was also appointed to assist the Court in this crucial case. The SIT submitted its final report to the Supreme Court in May, 2010 stating that while several of the allegations were found to be true, no criminal prosecution could be initiated. The Supreme Court had then directed the Amicus Curiae to assess evidence collected by SIT and give an independent view. In his final report, the Amicus Curiae recommended the prosecution of A-1 Narendra Modi under Sections 166 and 153a and 153b of the Indian Penal Code.
Inspite of enough material on record to frame charges against Modi and other accused, the SIT chose to submit a final report. The Supreme Court directed that the said report of SIT will be considered by the Trial Court. The Supreme Court also protected the right of the complainant to access the records collected during investigation and file her protest petition. (This is a right under Indian law but was specifically outlined by the Supreme Court in its final judgement dated 12.9.2011). Despite the voluminous evidence collected by the SIT during investigations and the clear-cut assessment of the Amicus Curaie, the SIT filed a closure report on 8.2.2012 and refused to provide the Investigation papers to the Complainant in contempt of the Supreme Court's order. The Ld. Magistrate granted the Complainant her right to the Investigation Papers on 10.4.2012 but it took Zakia Jafri & CJP another year to access all the Investigation reports of the SIT submitted to the Supreme Court. The SC directed this on 7.2.2013 after which the Protest Petition was filed on 15.4.2013.
Existing statements and documentary evidence were clear indicators of a high level criminal conspiracy and abetment to ensure that mass murder and other offences are committed against innocent citizens. Detailed arguments were made by the advocates for the Petitioner between June-August 2013 pointing out from the material on record that a strong case for framing charges against Modi and other conspirators is made out for the trial to proceed and that at this stage what the law requires is only establishing a prima facie case of strong suspicion.
Evidence that exists against Narendra Modi and 59 powerful accused include :-
Deliberately concealing knowledge of the provocative, anti-Muslim sloganeering by kar sevaks at the Godhra station when the Sabarmati Express reached five hours late on 27.2.2002, which information had been sent to him directly by DM/Collector Jayanti Ravi and wilfully failing to take stern action and allowing violent incidents to escalate after the train left Godhra by about 1.15 p.m. especially at Vadodara station where a Muslim was attacked and killed and at Anand where the train stopped hereafter ensuring that the state allowed a hate-filled and threatening atmosphere against Muslims build right up to Ahmedabad where the train finally reached around 4 p.m. and where bloodthirsty slogans were being shouted. FIRs in 19 brutal incidents against Muslims are recorded on 27.2.2002 in Ahmedabad itself. Curfew was not imposed despite these incidents resulting in deaths breaking out.
(Evidence of this :- Fax Message Sent by DM Jayanti Ravi and Message of the SIB are available @ .Annexure III, File XLI at Serial Nos 1 and Annexure IV, File IX, Serial Nos 241-in the SIT record)
Conspiring with the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to plot and allow reprisal killings all over Gujarat. The first phone call that Modi makes after DM Ravi’s fax reaches him is, not to appeal for peace and calm, but phone secretary VHP, Gujarat, Dr Jaideep Patel and direct him to Godhra. The Conspiracy between Modi and the VHP is hatched and unfurled to cynically ensure state-wide reprisal killings. Phone call records show these phone calls between PA to Modi AP Patel and Jaideep Patel immediately after the chief minister receives news of the Godhra tragedy. Phone call records made available by Rahul Sharma (IPS, Gujarat) also show that Powerful Accused were in touch with the chief minister’s office (CMO) and
the landline numbers of the chief minister.
(Evidence of this :- Page 5-6,Annexure Volume IV to Protest Petition contains AP Patel’s Phone Records and at Annexure IV, File V and VI in SIT Papers; Conspicuously, the SIT records statements of all officials of the chief minister’s office (CMO) following CJP’s submission of the phone records to the Supreme Court but does not record A.P. Patel’s.).
Cynically, and illegally allowed Post Mortems Illegally out in the Open at the Railway Yard, Godhra where the burnt and mutilated corpses were laid in full view of an aggressive and irate crowd of RSS and VHP men and women, who were gathered there in violation of Curfew Orders @ Godhra. Deliberately allowing photographs of the burnt corpses to be taken and widely circulated by the RSS-VHP and media in general, despite it being prevented under law; Modi dispatching Accused Nos 2-Ashok Bhatt to oversee illegally conducted post-mortems; Modi was himself present when these post-mortems were conducted out in the open @ the railway yard in front of a mob of RSS and VHP men;
(Evidence of this :- Phone call records between Modi and Bhatt, former health minister (since deceased) are evidence of how the latter was dispatched to Godhra; the Godhra Sessions Court judgement 69/2009/ 86/2006. 204/2009 @ Page 105; This was handed over to the Court on 29.8.2012 comments on the illegality of the post mortems and also has a vivid
photograph showing the bodies lying in the open in the Railway Yard at Godhra; Section 223, 4(vi), Volume III Gujarat Police Manual lays down specific legalities to be followed for post mortems that specifically direct no photographs of gory bodies being allowed.).
Directing that the unidentified bodies of Godhra train victims should be handed over to Jaideep Patel, a non-governmental person, that too belonging to a supremacist and communal VHP to be brought to Ahmedabad where aggressive funeral processions in full public view were allowed. Modi directed this at a meeting at the Collectorate in the evening of 27.2.2002
before he returned to Gandhinagar. Jaideep Patel was allowed to be present at an official meeting at the Collectorate. Jaideep Patel is a co-conspirator and also facing trial for mass crimes in the ongoing Naroda Gaam case. Modi is specifically guilty of allowing the escalation of violence from Godhra to other parts of Gujarat and taking decisions contrary to law.
Evidence of this :- DM Jayanti Ravi’s statement to the SIT dated 15.9.2009 @ Annexure I Volume I, Sr Nos 19 in the SIT record, clearly states Jaideep Patel was present at the meeting at the Collectorate though Modi and Jaideep Patel, both denied it
Specifically instructing his top policemen and administrators not to act evenhandedly in the days to follow and “allow Hindus to vent their anger.” Two senior bureaucrats present at the meeting have stated that cabinet ministers were present at a meeting that went on well past midnight. Haren Pandya, a minister in Modi’s cabinet in 2002 had given
evidence of this to the Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal headed by Justice Krishna Iyer and PB Sawant in 2002 itself. Later in 2009 a serving officer from the state intelligence, Sanjiv Bhatt also gave the same evidence before the SIT and the Supreme Court.
(Evidence of this :- (i) Statement of Haren Pandya to the CCT dated 13.5.2002 @ Internal Page 82 Volume II of the Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report in section on State Complicity @ Annexure III, File, I, D-2, D-3, D-4 of the SIT Record/Papers.; (ii) On 27.10.2005, in the Fourth Affidavit, R.B. Sreekumar before the Nanavati Commission dated 27.10.2005 stated that K. Chakravarthi, DGP Gujarat (A-25) had given information of the same words being uttered by A-1 Modi at the meeting on 27.2.2002 ; (iii) On 11.07.09 Statement of Shri R.B. Sreekumar, formerly Addl.DG (Int.), Gujarat to the SIT (Annex I, Vol I Sr. No.5, SIT Papers/Record) where he confirmed this; (iv)On 12.08.2009,Statement of Shri Vitthalbhai Pandya, father of Late Haren Pandya, R/o,
PRESS RELEASE
On behalf of thousands of survivors of the 2002 genocidal pogrom that took place in Gujarat from February – May 2002, the Citizens for Justice and Peace expresses deep disappointment and anguish at the verdict of the Magistrate Court, Judge BJ Ganatra accepting the dismissal of serious criminal charges of criminal conspiracy against chief minister Narendra
Modi and 59 others. The Supreme Court appointed Special Investigation team (SIT) had filed a closure report in this case, despite finding many of the serious allegations in the Zakia Ahsan Jafri complaint dated 8.6.2006 to be true. The Judge on 26.12.2013 accepted the closure report of the SIT.
Amicus Curiae in this unique case, senior advocate Raju Ramachandran had differed significantly with the SIT and opined that there was enough evidence to prosecute Modi under Sections 153(a), 153(b) and 166 of the Indian penal Code. *The CJP will continue to assist Smt Zakia Ahsan Jafri in appealing to the higher courts for justice. * The 3-4 tiered system of
justice in India is designed to correct wrongs and we are confident that the serious charges of criminal conspiracy, abetment, murder, arson etc will finally result in the prosecution of the powerful. Meanwhile it remains a trying time for survivors and human rights defenders who stand firm in their fight for justice.
A detailed analysis of the 450 page judgement will be made available by the CJP within a week. Meanwhile, the CJP would like to state that the detailed construction of criminal conspiracy and abetments presented before the Magistrate’s Court on legal and factual grounds was completely ignored by the Court despite substantive evidence from the investigation papers.
Counsel for the Complainant, relying on statements recorded by the SIT, documentary and other evidence existing on the record of the Trial Court, had argued, in detailed oral arguments presented to the Court, between June-September 2013, that though the law requires establishment of only a prima facie case of serious suspicion for framing charges against Modi and other accused in offences of cognisable nature, but, in fact, there exists more than ample evidence, which is not only sufficient for framing charges but also for proceeding with the trial and for convicting Modi and other accused on charges of conspiracy and abetment for committing murder, arson and brutal massacre throughout Gujarat.
The widespread violence that engulfed Gujarat spreading to 19 of the State’s 25 districts – 14 very seriously - post the tragic burning to death of 59 persons in the S-6 Coach of the Sabarmati Express is perhaps the worst ever record of reprisal communal violence in post-Independence India. It was not simply the number of lives lost, though the number — perhaps 2,000 — is not insignificant. It was the cold-blooded manner in which they were taken, as armed militias with high level government sanction, ensured a high level brutality in the killings, mutilation, rapes and burnings. Over 200 girls and women suffered sexual violence, 18,000 homes and 1,200 hotels were gutted. The unfortunate pattern behind the reprisal killings was that the loss of life and property was that of the minority.
Since 2002, when the National Human Rights Commission filed its Interim and Final Reports and 2003 and 2004 when the Hon’ble Supreme Court first pulled up the State government for absence to ‘observe its Raj Dharma' and accused it of criminal negligence:“The Neros in Gujarat fiddled as Gujarat burned”. Serious allegations of top level criminal conspiracy in
masterminding the violence have been made against the chief functionaries of the government.
The NHRC concluded in its Report dated 31.5. 2002 that “there was a comprehensive failure of the State to protect the Constitutional rights of the people of Gujarat”. The Supreme Court of India, while severely indicting the Gujarat government, transferred two trials outside of Gujarat i.e.* BEST Bakery and Bilkees Bano*. The Supreme Court has been well aware of the larger conspiracy behind the 2002 carnage and the Court's orders, one after the other, in different cases related to the 2002 carnage, have reflected this. Various orders passed by the Supreme Court, including the path-breaking directions in the Best Bakery case and other important developments, ultimately led to the formation and reconstitution of the SIT on 26.3.2008 to further investigate nine of the crucial trials relating to the 2002 carnage.
Of the 300 violent incidents all over the State of Gujarat that took place with sinister precision and conspiracy, two of the worst in terms of intensity took place within Ahmedabad (Naroda Patiya and Gulberg Society) with over 200 brutal massacres, including daylight rapes and burnings the day after the Godhra train burning on 28.2.2002. At the Gulberg society where Mrs Jafri and her husband lived, a total of 69 persons were massacred in cold blood after young girls and women had also been raped. Over 200 distress phone calls, including several to the commissioner of police, Ahmedabad and chief executive of the state had brought no relief. By August 2002 the Government itself had recorded 185 cases of attacks on women of which 100 were in Ahmedabad city and 57 attacks on children of which 33 were in Ahmedabad alone. Totally, 225 women and 65 children were killed.
Evidence from the State Intelligence given to the Chief Election Commission (CEC) in August 2002 revealed that communal incidents had taken place in 993 villages and 151 towns spread over 153 assembly constituencies (out of a total of 182 in the state). By Aug 2002 (as recorded in the Report of the Women’s Parliamentary Committee) as many as 132,532 persons had been displaced / forced to leave their houses & were living in 121 riot relief camps of which 58 were in Ahmedabad city. By 1st June 2002 (as recorded in the Report of the Women’s Parliamentary Committee) there had been 4954 cases
(2023 urban and 2931 rural) of residential houses having been completely destroyed. There were a further 18,924 cases of partially damaged houses (11,199 urban & 7095 rural) - i.e. more than 23,000 houses had been destroyed or damaged by the rioters. Thereafter a further 5000 urban houses and a 1000 rural houses were destroyed or damaged.
It was the sinister planning and systematic nature of violence that led the widow of the slain former parliamentarian, Smt Zakia Ahsan Jafri, assisted by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP),to file a complaint dated 8.6.2006 of criminal conspiracy and abetment to commit mass murder, violate established criminal law and police manual norms, destroy records and
evidence against the chief executive of the State- Narendra Modi and 59 others.
After the complaint of Smt Jafri was filed on 8.6.2006, when the Gujarat police refused to register a case of serious offences of cognizable nature, Smt Jafri and Citizens for Justie and Peace (CJP approached the Gujarat High Court with prayers to order registration of FIR and transfer of investigation to the CBI. When the High Court rejecting the Petition, Zakia Jafri and Citizens for Justice & Peace (CJP) approached the Supreme Court. Notice was issued on their Petition (SLP No. 1088/2008) on 3.3.2008. Thereafter, vide Order dated 27.4.2009 the SIT, which was already probing in other incidents,
was asked “to look into” the Complaint dated 8.6.2006. An Amicus Curiae was also appointed to assist the Court in this crucial case. The SIT submitted its final report to the Supreme Court in May, 2010 stating that while several of the allegations were found to be true, no criminal prosecution could be initiated. The Supreme Court had then directed the Amicus Curiae to assess evidence collected by SIT and give an independent view. In his final report, the Amicus Curiae recommended the prosecution of A-1 Narendra Modi under Sections 166 and 153a and 153b of the Indian Penal Code.
Inspite of enough material on record to frame charges against Modi and other accused, the SIT chose to submit a final report. The Supreme Court directed that the said report of SIT will be considered by the Trial Court. The Supreme Court also protected the right of the complainant to access the records collected during investigation and file her protest petition. (This is a right under Indian law but was specifically outlined by the Supreme Court in its final judgement dated 12.9.2011). Despite the voluminous evidence collected by the SIT during investigations and the clear-cut assessment of the Amicus Curaie, the SIT filed a closure report on 8.2.2012 and refused to provide the Investigation papers to the Complainant in contempt of the Supreme Court's order. The Ld. Magistrate granted the Complainant her right to the Investigation Papers on 10.4.2012 but it took Zakia Jafri & CJP another year to access all the Investigation reports of the SIT submitted to the Supreme Court. The SC directed this on 7.2.2013 after which the Protest Petition was filed on 15.4.2013.
Existing statements and documentary evidence were clear indicators of a high level criminal conspiracy and abetment to ensure that mass murder and other offences are committed against innocent citizens. Detailed arguments were made by the advocates for the Petitioner between June-August 2013 pointing out from the material on record that a strong case for framing charges against Modi and other conspirators is made out for the trial to proceed and that at this stage what the law requires is only establishing a prima facie case of strong suspicion.
Evidence that exists against Narendra Modi and 59 powerful accused include :-
Deliberately concealing knowledge of the provocative, anti-Muslim sloganeering by kar sevaks at the Godhra station when the Sabarmati Express reached five hours late on 27.2.2002, which information had been sent to him directly by DM/Collector Jayanti Ravi and wilfully failing to take stern action and allowing violent incidents to escalate after the train left Godhra by about 1.15 p.m. especially at Vadodara station where a Muslim was attacked and killed and at Anand where the train stopped hereafter ensuring that the state allowed a hate-filled and threatening atmosphere against Muslims build right up to Ahmedabad where the train finally reached around 4 p.m. and where bloodthirsty slogans were being shouted. FIRs in 19 brutal incidents against Muslims are recorded on 27.2.2002 in Ahmedabad itself. Curfew was not imposed despite these incidents resulting in deaths breaking out.
(Evidence of this :- Fax Message Sent by DM Jayanti Ravi and Message of the SIB are available @ .Annexure III, File XLI at Serial Nos 1 and Annexure IV, File IX, Serial Nos 241-in the SIT record)
Conspiring with the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to plot and allow reprisal killings all over Gujarat. The first phone call that Modi makes after DM Ravi’s fax reaches him is, not to appeal for peace and calm, but phone secretary VHP, Gujarat, Dr Jaideep Patel and direct him to Godhra. The Conspiracy between Modi and the VHP is hatched and unfurled to cynically ensure state-wide reprisal killings. Phone call records show these phone calls between PA to Modi AP Patel and Jaideep Patel immediately after the chief minister receives news of the Godhra tragedy. Phone call records made available by Rahul Sharma (IPS, Gujarat) also show that Powerful Accused were in touch with the chief minister’s office (CMO) and
the landline numbers of the chief minister.
(Evidence of this :- Page 5-6,Annexure Volume IV to Protest Petition contains AP Patel’s Phone Records and at Annexure IV, File V and VI in SIT Papers; Conspicuously, the SIT records statements of all officials of the chief minister’s office (CMO) following CJP’s submission of the phone records to the Supreme Court but does not record A.P. Patel’s.).
Cynically, and illegally allowed Post Mortems Illegally out in the Open at the Railway Yard, Godhra where the burnt and mutilated corpses were laid in full view of an aggressive and irate crowd of RSS and VHP men and women, who were gathered there in violation of Curfew Orders @ Godhra. Deliberately allowing photographs of the burnt corpses to be taken and widely circulated by the RSS-VHP and media in general, despite it being prevented under law; Modi dispatching Accused Nos 2-Ashok Bhatt to oversee illegally conducted post-mortems; Modi was himself present when these post-mortems were conducted out in the open @ the railway yard in front of a mob of RSS and VHP men;
(Evidence of this :- Phone call records between Modi and Bhatt, former health minister (since deceased) are evidence of how the latter was dispatched to Godhra; the Godhra Sessions Court judgement 69/2009/ 86/2006. 204/2009 @ Page 105; This was handed over to the Court on 29.8.2012 comments on the illegality of the post mortems and also has a vivid
photograph showing the bodies lying in the open in the Railway Yard at Godhra; Section 223, 4(vi), Volume III Gujarat Police Manual lays down specific legalities to be followed for post mortems that specifically direct no photographs of gory bodies being allowed.).
Directing that the unidentified bodies of Godhra train victims should be handed over to Jaideep Patel, a non-governmental person, that too belonging to a supremacist and communal VHP to be brought to Ahmedabad where aggressive funeral processions in full public view were allowed. Modi directed this at a meeting at the Collectorate in the evening of 27.2.2002
before he returned to Gandhinagar. Jaideep Patel was allowed to be present at an official meeting at the Collectorate. Jaideep Patel is a co-conspirator and also facing trial for mass crimes in the ongoing Naroda Gaam case. Modi is specifically guilty of allowing the escalation of violence from Godhra to other parts of Gujarat and taking decisions contrary to law.
Evidence of this :- DM Jayanti Ravi’s statement to the SIT dated 15.9.2009 @ Annexure I Volume I, Sr Nos 19 in the SIT record, clearly states Jaideep Patel was present at the meeting at the Collectorate though Modi and Jaideep Patel, both denied it
Specifically instructing his top policemen and administrators not to act evenhandedly in the days to follow and “allow Hindus to vent their anger.” Two senior bureaucrats present at the meeting have stated that cabinet ministers were present at a meeting that went on well past midnight. Haren Pandya, a minister in Modi’s cabinet in 2002 had given
evidence of this to the Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal headed by Justice Krishna Iyer and PB Sawant in 2002 itself. Later in 2009 a serving officer from the state intelligence, Sanjiv Bhatt also gave the same evidence before the SIT and the Supreme Court.
(Evidence of this :- (i) Statement of Haren Pandya to the CCT dated 13.5.2002 @ Internal Page 82 Volume II of the Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report in section on State Complicity @ Annexure III, File, I, D-2, D-3, D-4 of the SIT Record/Papers.; (ii) On 27.10.2005, in the Fourth Affidavit, R.B. Sreekumar before the Nanavati Commission dated 27.10.2005 stated that K. Chakravarthi, DGP Gujarat (A-25) had given information of the same words being uttered by A-1 Modi at the meeting on 27.2.2002 ; (iii) On 11.07.09 Statement of Shri R.B. Sreekumar, formerly Addl.DG (Int.), Gujarat to the SIT (Annex I, Vol I Sr. No.5, SIT Papers/Record) where he confirmed this; (iv)On 12.08.2009,Statement of Shri Vitthalbhai Pandya, father of Late Haren Pandya, R/o,
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ghulam muhammed
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Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Who Killed the 1000 Victims of 2002 Gujarat Violence?
SIT said neither Modi nor 59 others which included the top police bosses of all 26 districts and 5 police Commissionerate were responsible for the heinous murders of the victims. Supreme Court without registering an FIR asked SIT to look into the complaint of Zakia Jafri. The Supreme Court treated the report of SIT as a 173(8) report of Gulberg Society case (meaning that it was report of further investigation of Gulberg case) directed the SIT to file the report before the Magistrate that took cognition of the Gulberg case. Today that Magistrate upheld the SIT report giving clean chit to Modi and the rest of the proposed accused.
BJP AND VHP activists also say they killed no one.
SO NO ONE KILLED THE 1000 or so innocent men, women and children in the 2002 violence. So it is not just Modi but all rioters stand acquitted. This is what the judicial system of our country can deliver. The only reality is that over a 1000 men, women and children are dead butchered ruthlessly by the fascist forces. The dead will continue to seek justice and ask the Supreme Court as to who killed them? Why did the Supreme Court make the fatal error of treating the report of SIT as a report in Gulberg case when most of the evidence of violence were in the other cases like Naroda Patia or Naroda Gam cases where Modi’s Minister Kodnani or VJP boss Jaideep Patel were accused? Why didn’t the amicus curi point this error to the Supreme Court? And lastly, why did Zakia’s advocate agree to the SIT report to become a part of Gulberg case and not an independent criminal case by insisting on a separate FIR? For the sake of justice, Supreme Court ought to review its order treating the SIT report as a part of Gulberg case and get the case reopened separately. Then only will the dead rest in peace.
--Read More At: http://www.truthofgujarat.com/killed-10 ... -violence/
SIT said neither Modi nor 59 others which included the top police bosses of all 26 districts and 5 police Commissionerate were responsible for the heinous murders of the victims. Supreme Court without registering an FIR asked SIT to look into the complaint of Zakia Jafri. The Supreme Court treated the report of SIT as a 173(8) report of Gulberg Society case (meaning that it was report of further investigation of Gulberg case) directed the SIT to file the report before the Magistrate that took cognition of the Gulberg case. Today that Magistrate upheld the SIT report giving clean chit to Modi and the rest of the proposed accused.
BJP AND VHP activists also say they killed no one.
SO NO ONE KILLED THE 1000 or so innocent men, women and children in the 2002 violence. So it is not just Modi but all rioters stand acquitted. This is what the judicial system of our country can deliver. The only reality is that over a 1000 men, women and children are dead butchered ruthlessly by the fascist forces. The dead will continue to seek justice and ask the Supreme Court as to who killed them? Why did the Supreme Court make the fatal error of treating the report of SIT as a report in Gulberg case when most of the evidence of violence were in the other cases like Naroda Patia or Naroda Gam cases where Modi’s Minister Kodnani or VJP boss Jaideep Patel were accused? Why didn’t the amicus curi point this error to the Supreme Court? And lastly, why did Zakia’s advocate agree to the SIT report to become a part of Gulberg case and not an independent criminal case by insisting on a separate FIR? For the sake of justice, Supreme Court ought to review its order treating the SIT report as a part of Gulberg case and get the case reopened separately. Then only will the dead rest in peace.
--Read More At: http://www.truthofgujarat.com/killed-10 ... -violence/
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ghulam muhammed
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Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Deliberateness and spontaneity in violence
An Ahmedabad metropolitan court recently rejected a petition challenging the Special Investigation Team’s (SIT) 2011 conclusion that the post-Godhra violence in Gujarat in 2002 was an impulsive reaction of Hindus enraged by the Godhra killings and not a political conspiracy fronted by Chief Minister Narendra Modi.
On the other hand, some in the media, academia, police, and advocacy groups have maintained that the violence was a well-orchestrated anti-Muslim “pogrom,” not a spontaneous “riot.” The Sangh Parivar had diligently planned the violence to help a wilting Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Gujarat, they charged, and disgruntled members among Scheduled Castes (Dalits) and Scheduled Tribes (Adivasis) were instrumentally mobilised to execute the plan. It was suggested that “spontaneity” was a ruse, following ploys adopted by earlier governments, notably the Congress in 1984 and the BJP-RSS in 1992-93.
The first question about the post-Godhra violence that comes to mind, and has indeed been noted by scholars like Achyut Yagnik and Lancy Lobo is: why did it occur so unevenly across the State? Although violence affected many towns, and pervaded rural areas with unprecedented frenzy, many places in Gujarat remained peaceful. By implication, if the post-Godhra killings were an outcome of anger and revenge, why were perpetrators selectively angry or vengeful? If different places experienced different levels of violence, did these spatial variations occur at random or did they indicate a pattern?
These are crucial questions to be addressed for any event of large-scale violence. To do so, I teamed up with Dr. Michael Biggs, a sociologist at Oxford University, to conduct a systematic analysis taking account of all possible factors that might have caused the violence. We meticulously gathered information on the population of Muslims, Scheduled Castes and Tribes on socioeconomic conditions such as unemployment and migration. We measured the strength of the BJP by its votes in the 1998 Assembly election and by the presence of a BJP MLA. Crucially, we compared peaceful with violent places in order to identify specific risk factors associated with violence. Explaining the factors leading to violence by examining only those cases where violence occurred can lead to spurious conclusions. This methodology follows from the exemplary work on ethnic violence in India by sociologists and political scientists such as Paul Brass, Steven Wilkinson, Henrik Urdal and Ashutosh Varshney.
We found persuasive evidence that the violence was not spontaneous. Had it been spontaneous, it would be correct to expect the most outraged people — and, subsequently, the worst violence — in places where the BJP was strong. Even if the party had not taken a leading role, it was its supporters who would be most likely to lash out against Muslims. Instead, after taking into account other economic and social factors, we found that lethal violence was considerably less likely where the BJP was strong (for example, Junagadh, Navsari). Endorsing this pattern, we found that violence was less likely to happen in places with a sitting BJP MLA.
Killings were less likely where the BJP was very weak (for example, Narmada, Dangs). It was in places where the BJP faced the greatest electoral competition, having gained about 35-40 per cent of the vote in 1998, that lethal violence was the worst (for example, Anand, Kheda). Here, the party will face the greatest competition for votes in the coming election.
These findings take into account the social and economic factors that could have led to “spontaneous” violence, and so identify the specific effect of the BJP. This cannot be judged by taking one or two well-known instances of violence.
Violence delivered votes
Violence, therefore, was greatest in places where the BJP faced the greatest competition from other parties. By inflaming anti-Muslim sentiment, it was possible that people who had previously voted for the Congress or other parties would switch to the BJP the next time. Remember that it was later in 2002 — nearly a year after the most lethal anti-Muslim attacks occurred and close to the next election — that Mr. Modi delivered the now infamous speech in Mehsana with obvious references to “Alis, Malis and Jamalis” and their “child producing factories.”
So, did this electoral tactic work? We measured how the BJP’s vote went up or down between 1998 and the Assembly election at the end of 2002. We found a strong pattern: where more Muslims were killed, the greater the boost to the BJP’s vote. For example, the BJP’s vote increased substantially in districts where the violence was severe, as in Panchmahal. In districts without violence, by contrast, the vote declined, as in Surendranagar.
These findings flag a crucial aspect about the post-Godhra violence: that it had an implicit political logic. There is much evidence, not only from India, of the link between political authority and its capacity to arouse ethnic tensions, sometimes leading to violence. Depending on the will of the government controlling local law and order, the resulting violence is either allowed to continue or is stopped. This is particularly the case in multi-ethnic societies because they provide wider scope to change the salience of ethnic issues to suit political elites.
The foil of “spontaneity” in violence has worked admirably in favour of the political elites in India. Rajiv Gandhi used it to justify the “spontaneous” reaction of angry Hindus at the assassination of Mrs Gandhi in 1984; Mr. Modi continues to use it with eclectic references to Newton and puppies. His latest blog post following the metropolitan court verdict, where he expresses “absolute emptiness” at the violence again signals the government’s purported helplessness at the spectacle of perpetrators letting off steam.
(Raheel Dhattiwala is a Public Policy Scholar at The Hindu Centre for Politics and Public Policy. She successfully defended her doctoral thesis at the University of Oxford earlier this month. Findings reported here are from her co-authored paper published in the American journal, Politics & Society. )
There is much evidence, not only from India, of the link between political authority and its capacity to arouse ethnic tensions, sometimes leading to violence
http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp ... 521176.ece
An Ahmedabad metropolitan court recently rejected a petition challenging the Special Investigation Team’s (SIT) 2011 conclusion that the post-Godhra violence in Gujarat in 2002 was an impulsive reaction of Hindus enraged by the Godhra killings and not a political conspiracy fronted by Chief Minister Narendra Modi.
On the other hand, some in the media, academia, police, and advocacy groups have maintained that the violence was a well-orchestrated anti-Muslim “pogrom,” not a spontaneous “riot.” The Sangh Parivar had diligently planned the violence to help a wilting Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Gujarat, they charged, and disgruntled members among Scheduled Castes (Dalits) and Scheduled Tribes (Adivasis) were instrumentally mobilised to execute the plan. It was suggested that “spontaneity” was a ruse, following ploys adopted by earlier governments, notably the Congress in 1984 and the BJP-RSS in 1992-93.
The first question about the post-Godhra violence that comes to mind, and has indeed been noted by scholars like Achyut Yagnik and Lancy Lobo is: why did it occur so unevenly across the State? Although violence affected many towns, and pervaded rural areas with unprecedented frenzy, many places in Gujarat remained peaceful. By implication, if the post-Godhra killings were an outcome of anger and revenge, why were perpetrators selectively angry or vengeful? If different places experienced different levels of violence, did these spatial variations occur at random or did they indicate a pattern?
These are crucial questions to be addressed for any event of large-scale violence. To do so, I teamed up with Dr. Michael Biggs, a sociologist at Oxford University, to conduct a systematic analysis taking account of all possible factors that might have caused the violence. We meticulously gathered information on the population of Muslims, Scheduled Castes and Tribes on socioeconomic conditions such as unemployment and migration. We measured the strength of the BJP by its votes in the 1998 Assembly election and by the presence of a BJP MLA. Crucially, we compared peaceful with violent places in order to identify specific risk factors associated with violence. Explaining the factors leading to violence by examining only those cases where violence occurred can lead to spurious conclusions. This methodology follows from the exemplary work on ethnic violence in India by sociologists and political scientists such as Paul Brass, Steven Wilkinson, Henrik Urdal and Ashutosh Varshney.
We found persuasive evidence that the violence was not spontaneous. Had it been spontaneous, it would be correct to expect the most outraged people — and, subsequently, the worst violence — in places where the BJP was strong. Even if the party had not taken a leading role, it was its supporters who would be most likely to lash out against Muslims. Instead, after taking into account other economic and social factors, we found that lethal violence was considerably less likely where the BJP was strong (for example, Junagadh, Navsari). Endorsing this pattern, we found that violence was less likely to happen in places with a sitting BJP MLA.
Killings were less likely where the BJP was very weak (for example, Narmada, Dangs). It was in places where the BJP faced the greatest electoral competition, having gained about 35-40 per cent of the vote in 1998, that lethal violence was the worst (for example, Anand, Kheda). Here, the party will face the greatest competition for votes in the coming election.
These findings take into account the social and economic factors that could have led to “spontaneous” violence, and so identify the specific effect of the BJP. This cannot be judged by taking one or two well-known instances of violence.
Violence delivered votes
Violence, therefore, was greatest in places where the BJP faced the greatest competition from other parties. By inflaming anti-Muslim sentiment, it was possible that people who had previously voted for the Congress or other parties would switch to the BJP the next time. Remember that it was later in 2002 — nearly a year after the most lethal anti-Muslim attacks occurred and close to the next election — that Mr. Modi delivered the now infamous speech in Mehsana with obvious references to “Alis, Malis and Jamalis” and their “child producing factories.”
So, did this electoral tactic work? We measured how the BJP’s vote went up or down between 1998 and the Assembly election at the end of 2002. We found a strong pattern: where more Muslims were killed, the greater the boost to the BJP’s vote. For example, the BJP’s vote increased substantially in districts where the violence was severe, as in Panchmahal. In districts without violence, by contrast, the vote declined, as in Surendranagar.
These findings flag a crucial aspect about the post-Godhra violence: that it had an implicit political logic. There is much evidence, not only from India, of the link between political authority and its capacity to arouse ethnic tensions, sometimes leading to violence. Depending on the will of the government controlling local law and order, the resulting violence is either allowed to continue or is stopped. This is particularly the case in multi-ethnic societies because they provide wider scope to change the salience of ethnic issues to suit political elites.
The foil of “spontaneity” in violence has worked admirably in favour of the political elites in India. Rajiv Gandhi used it to justify the “spontaneous” reaction of angry Hindus at the assassination of Mrs Gandhi in 1984; Mr. Modi continues to use it with eclectic references to Newton and puppies. His latest blog post following the metropolitan court verdict, where he expresses “absolute emptiness” at the violence again signals the government’s purported helplessness at the spectacle of perpetrators letting off steam.
(Raheel Dhattiwala is a Public Policy Scholar at The Hindu Centre for Politics and Public Policy. She successfully defended her doctoral thesis at the University of Oxford earlier this month. Findings reported here are from her co-authored paper published in the American journal, Politics & Society. )
There is much evidence, not only from India, of the link between political authority and its capacity to arouse ethnic tensions, sometimes leading to violence
http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp ... 521176.ece
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ghulam muhammed
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Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
UNRAVEL THE TRUTH FROM CONTEMPORANEOUS MEDIA COVERAGE OF 2002
Gujarat Riots - Aaj Tak Coverage 02-03-2002 (Part1)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tp7m9oXmorA
UNRAVEL THE TRUTH FROM CONTEMPORANEOUS MEDIA COVERAGE OF 2002
Gujarat Riots - Aaj Tak Coverage 02-03-2002 (Part2)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UlurshJ1WEM
UNRAVEL THE TRUTH FROM CONTEMPORANEOUS MEDIA COVERAGE OF 2002
Gujarat Riots - Aaj Tak Coverage 02-03-2002 (Part3)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rp9g5j-lW14
Gujarat Riots - Aaj Tak Coverage 02-03-2002 (Part1)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tp7m9oXmorA
UNRAVEL THE TRUTH FROM CONTEMPORANEOUS MEDIA COVERAGE OF 2002
Gujarat Riots - Aaj Tak Coverage 02-03-2002 (Part2)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UlurshJ1WEM
UNRAVEL THE TRUTH FROM CONTEMPORANEOUS MEDIA COVERAGE OF 2002
Gujarat Riots - Aaj Tak Coverage 02-03-2002 (Part3)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rp9g5j-lW14
-
ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Naroda Patiya massacre: Maya Kodnani given electric shock therapy
Maya Kodnani (58), BJP ex-MLA from Gujarat convicted to 28 years of prison for involvement in 2002 Naroda Patiya massacre, was given electric shocks — considered the last line of treatment in major depressive disorder — on Thursday. Doctors said Kodnani has been showing severe suicidal tendencies and failed to respond to aggressive medicine treatment prompting them to consider giving electric shocks.
"Maya Kodnani was given electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) under anaesthesia. Her depression failed to improve despite aggressive treatment and she showed suicidal tendencies even under medical care. This prompted the team of doctors to consider giving her ECT," said medical superintendent of Civil Hospital Dr MM Prabhakar.
This was the first time Kodnani was given ECT. Doctors said that she would be given electric shocks twice a week. ECT is now considered an extreme line of treatment given under anaesthesia.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city ... 755843.cms
Maya Kodnani (58), BJP ex-MLA from Gujarat convicted to 28 years of prison for involvement in 2002 Naroda Patiya massacre, was given electric shocks — considered the last line of treatment in major depressive disorder — on Thursday. Doctors said Kodnani has been showing severe suicidal tendencies and failed to respond to aggressive medicine treatment prompting them to consider giving electric shocks.
"Maya Kodnani was given electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) under anaesthesia. Her depression failed to improve despite aggressive treatment and she showed suicidal tendencies even under medical care. This prompted the team of doctors to consider giving her ECT," said medical superintendent of Civil Hospital Dr MM Prabhakar.
This was the first time Kodnani was given ECT. Doctors said that she would be given electric shocks twice a week. ECT is now considered an extreme line of treatment given under anaesthesia.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city ... 755843.cms
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ghulam muhammed
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Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
THE TRAIN BURNING AT GODHRA AND WHAT IF ?
What if Sabarmati Express had arrived at Godhra at the scheduled time of 2:55 a.m. on 27th February 2002?
One event that changed the political discourse of this country was the burning of the S-6 coach of the Sabarmati Express on 27th February, 2002, that resulted in the tragic death of 58 passengers travelling in the coach including several karsevaks who were travelling in that very coach. On 25th February, 2002, karsevaks returning from Ayodhya had boarded the Sabarmati Express, albeit, without any reservation or tickets. The reserved coach was overcrowded due to the boarding of the karsevaks and S-6 coach on that day carried around 130 passengers instead of 72 as per rule.
The blame of burning the coach has been put on Muslims of Godhra in a way that they would appear as terrorists who had pre-planned the murder of the Karsevaks. This false allegation made by the Gujarat Government on 27th February, 2002, exactly 12 years from today, changed the debate on Secularism in India, with the rightist forces attacking “Secularism” as a policy of appeasement of the Muslims to the extent that the ‘secularists’ are turning a blind eye to their “terrorist activities”. The brutal massacre of the Muslims in Gujarat from 28th February onwards leap-frogged Modi as the Hindu icon who alone could fight the menace of Jehadi terrorism!
Lot has been said on this issue. However, on this day, we would pose just one question which has never been answered by the investigators of the train burning case.
The Question: Sabarmati Express was scheduled to arrive at Godhra station at 2.55 am in the morning of 27th February, 2002. But, it arrived at 7.43 am in the morning instead. The train was running around five hours late. The police story gave gory details about the so called conspiracy that was allegedly hatched by the local Muslims to burn the specific coach S-6 after the Sabarmati Express arrived at the Station at 7.43 am. However, when I had cross-examined the Chief Investigator of Godhra train burning case, DySP Noel Parmar, before the Nanavati Commission as to what was the original plan to burn the S-6 coach had the train arrived at the right time (2.55am), this is what he said: (translated from Gujarati)
9. It has been clearly stated in the supplementary charge-sheet No.3 that the conspirators had discussed about the conspiracy around 9pm in the Aman Guest house Eight conspirators were present during this discussion and one was not present. I cannot say why the conspirators had chosen 26th February as the day for discussing the conspiracy, however this much is clear that after coming to know that the karsevaks who had gone to Ayodhya for the purpose of Ram Yagna Ahuti, were returning by the Sabarmati Express on 27th February, 2002, train No. 9166, the conspirators had bought the petrol and had hatched the conspiracy as stated above.
10. How the conspirators came to know about the karsevaks returning in the morning of 27th was not disclosed in the investigation. It was disclosed in the investigation that the Sabarmati Express was running late right from the beginning . The conspirators had conspired to burn down the S-6 coach. The conspirators had gathered at 9pm in the night and when they discussed the conspiracy, it is possible that they did not know that the Sabarmati train was running late because at 1.30 am in the morning , Salim Panwala had gone to the station to inquire about the exact time of the arrival of the train. The schedule time for the arrival of Sabarmati Express at Godhra station is at 2.55 am in the night. No facts were disclosed in my investigation as to how the coach was to be burnt as per the conspiracy.
Since Noel Parmar has been believed by all in Gujarat Government, we have to also believe that the conspirators had no idea that the train was running late by 5 hours even as late as 1.30 am just about one and half hour before the scheduled arrival of the train. Is it believable that if the conspirators had really planned to burn the coach, they wouldn’t had have had a full fledged plan in place if the train was to arrive at the scheduled time? Why didn’t Noel Parmar’s investigation reveal an iota of evidence of the original conspiracy had the train arrived on scheduled time?
In fact, there was no conspiracy at all to burn the S-6 coach and Noel Parmar fabricated the entire evidence only for the scenario of Sabarmati Express arriving at 7:43 a.m. He couldn’t find an iota of evidence to show what was the original conspiracy to torch the train had it arrived at the scheduled time of 2:55 a.m. His predecessor investigator who had filed the main charge-sheet, Shri KC Bawa, had never found any evidence of a pre-planned conspiracy for either scenarios and he states so in his charge-sheet. In fact, KC Bawa was replaced by Noel Parmar as the principal investigator in the month of May 2002 since the Government desired the theory of terrorist conspiracy in the charge-sheet.
The truth is that if the train had arrived at the scheduled time (2:55 a.m.), very few passengers would have come out for tea that early in the morning, there would have been no vendors on the platform, there would be no conflict and most of all no crowd of onlookers from the Singal Falia area who Noel Parmar claims to be part of the conspiracy. Sabarmati Express would have quietly passed Godhra and arrived at Ahmedabad if it were travelling as per schedule. However, when Sabarmati Express arrived at 7:43 a.m., an unfortunate spontaneous communal conflict at Godhra station was converted into the most diabolic lie to attack the secular aspirations of people of India. After 12 years, we do see the success of the Modi-led BJP’s propaganda that started on 27th February, 2002.
--Read More At: http://www.truthofgujarat.com/sabarmati ... uary-2002/
What if Sabarmati Express had arrived at Godhra at the scheduled time of 2:55 a.m. on 27th February 2002?
One event that changed the political discourse of this country was the burning of the S-6 coach of the Sabarmati Express on 27th February, 2002, that resulted in the tragic death of 58 passengers travelling in the coach including several karsevaks who were travelling in that very coach. On 25th February, 2002, karsevaks returning from Ayodhya had boarded the Sabarmati Express, albeit, without any reservation or tickets. The reserved coach was overcrowded due to the boarding of the karsevaks and S-6 coach on that day carried around 130 passengers instead of 72 as per rule.
The blame of burning the coach has been put on Muslims of Godhra in a way that they would appear as terrorists who had pre-planned the murder of the Karsevaks. This false allegation made by the Gujarat Government on 27th February, 2002, exactly 12 years from today, changed the debate on Secularism in India, with the rightist forces attacking “Secularism” as a policy of appeasement of the Muslims to the extent that the ‘secularists’ are turning a blind eye to their “terrorist activities”. The brutal massacre of the Muslims in Gujarat from 28th February onwards leap-frogged Modi as the Hindu icon who alone could fight the menace of Jehadi terrorism!
Lot has been said on this issue. However, on this day, we would pose just one question which has never been answered by the investigators of the train burning case.
The Question: Sabarmati Express was scheduled to arrive at Godhra station at 2.55 am in the morning of 27th February, 2002. But, it arrived at 7.43 am in the morning instead. The train was running around five hours late. The police story gave gory details about the so called conspiracy that was allegedly hatched by the local Muslims to burn the specific coach S-6 after the Sabarmati Express arrived at the Station at 7.43 am. However, when I had cross-examined the Chief Investigator of Godhra train burning case, DySP Noel Parmar, before the Nanavati Commission as to what was the original plan to burn the S-6 coach had the train arrived at the right time (2.55am), this is what he said: (translated from Gujarati)
9. It has been clearly stated in the supplementary charge-sheet No.3 that the conspirators had discussed about the conspiracy around 9pm in the Aman Guest house Eight conspirators were present during this discussion and one was not present. I cannot say why the conspirators had chosen 26th February as the day for discussing the conspiracy, however this much is clear that after coming to know that the karsevaks who had gone to Ayodhya for the purpose of Ram Yagna Ahuti, were returning by the Sabarmati Express on 27th February, 2002, train No. 9166, the conspirators had bought the petrol and had hatched the conspiracy as stated above.
10. How the conspirators came to know about the karsevaks returning in the morning of 27th was not disclosed in the investigation. It was disclosed in the investigation that the Sabarmati Express was running late right from the beginning . The conspirators had conspired to burn down the S-6 coach. The conspirators had gathered at 9pm in the night and when they discussed the conspiracy, it is possible that they did not know that the Sabarmati train was running late because at 1.30 am in the morning , Salim Panwala had gone to the station to inquire about the exact time of the arrival of the train. The schedule time for the arrival of Sabarmati Express at Godhra station is at 2.55 am in the night. No facts were disclosed in my investigation as to how the coach was to be burnt as per the conspiracy.
Since Noel Parmar has been believed by all in Gujarat Government, we have to also believe that the conspirators had no idea that the train was running late by 5 hours even as late as 1.30 am just about one and half hour before the scheduled arrival of the train. Is it believable that if the conspirators had really planned to burn the coach, they wouldn’t had have had a full fledged plan in place if the train was to arrive at the scheduled time? Why didn’t Noel Parmar’s investigation reveal an iota of evidence of the original conspiracy had the train arrived on scheduled time?
In fact, there was no conspiracy at all to burn the S-6 coach and Noel Parmar fabricated the entire evidence only for the scenario of Sabarmati Express arriving at 7:43 a.m. He couldn’t find an iota of evidence to show what was the original conspiracy to torch the train had it arrived at the scheduled time of 2:55 a.m. His predecessor investigator who had filed the main charge-sheet, Shri KC Bawa, had never found any evidence of a pre-planned conspiracy for either scenarios and he states so in his charge-sheet. In fact, KC Bawa was replaced by Noel Parmar as the principal investigator in the month of May 2002 since the Government desired the theory of terrorist conspiracy in the charge-sheet.
The truth is that if the train had arrived at the scheduled time (2:55 a.m.), very few passengers would have come out for tea that early in the morning, there would have been no vendors on the platform, there would be no conflict and most of all no crowd of onlookers from the Singal Falia area who Noel Parmar claims to be part of the conspiracy. Sabarmati Express would have quietly passed Godhra and arrived at Ahmedabad if it were travelling as per schedule. However, when Sabarmati Express arrived at 7:43 a.m., an unfortunate spontaneous communal conflict at Godhra station was converted into the most diabolic lie to attack the secular aspirations of people of India. After 12 years, we do see the success of the Modi-led BJP’s propaganda that started on 27th February, 2002.
--Read More At: http://www.truthofgujarat.com/sabarmati ... uary-2002/
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ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
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Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
NARENDRA MODI'S MAIN KILLER, BABU BAJRANGI FOR WHOM EVEN BURNING IN HELL IS A MILD PUNISHMENT :-
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aXLbArGJC6M
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aXLbArGJC6M
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Ummul Bani
- Posts: 104
- Joined: Tue Apr 29, 2014 9:09 am
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Although this matter is old now but thought it would be interesting to know what questions formed the part of this important investigation lasting 7 hours!
71 questions in the SIT interrogation:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/82476266/modi ... 4i8q3puwix
71 questions in the SIT interrogation:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/82476266/modi ... 4i8q3puwix
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ghulam muhammed
- Posts: 11653
- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Gujarat High Court grants temporary bail to Naroda Patiya riots convict Babu Bajrangi
The Gujarat High Court today granted temporary bail to Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Babu Bajrangi, convicted in the 2002 Naroda Patiya riots case.
A division bench of justices A S Dave and Sonia Gokani granted temporary release from jail to Bajrangi for treatment of an eye disease, from August 9 to 16. In his plea before the HC seeking temporary bail, Bajrangi, presently lodged in Sabarmati Central Jail, said that there is 50 percent blockade in his eye veins and he needs to be out on bail for the treatment. He further stated in the plea that despite getting treated at a government-run hospital, he has developed partial loss of vision. The High Court had given temporary bail to Bajrangi for his eye treatment earlier as well. He had also been given bail three other times for medical treatment of his wife and father.
The VHP leader had been convicted by a special trial court in the Naroda Patiya massacre case and sentenced to remain in jail till death.
Ninety-seven people were brutally killed by a rampaging mob in Naroda Patiya area of the city on February 28, 2002. Along with Bajrangi, the trial court had convicted former Minister of State Maya Kodnani on charges of murder and criminal conspiracy and awarded her 28-year imprisonment. Kodnani was last week released on bail by the High Court on the ground of her deteriorating health.
Besides Bajrangi and Kodnani, seven persons were sentenced to 31-year rigorous imprisonment and 22 convicts to imprisonment of 24 years in connection with the Naroda Patiya riots case.
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-gu ... gi-2008161
The Gujarat High Court today granted temporary bail to Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Babu Bajrangi, convicted in the 2002 Naroda Patiya riots case.
A division bench of justices A S Dave and Sonia Gokani granted temporary release from jail to Bajrangi for treatment of an eye disease, from August 9 to 16. In his plea before the HC seeking temporary bail, Bajrangi, presently lodged in Sabarmati Central Jail, said that there is 50 percent blockade in his eye veins and he needs to be out on bail for the treatment. He further stated in the plea that despite getting treated at a government-run hospital, he has developed partial loss of vision. The High Court had given temporary bail to Bajrangi for his eye treatment earlier as well. He had also been given bail three other times for medical treatment of his wife and father.
The VHP leader had been convicted by a special trial court in the Naroda Patiya massacre case and sentenced to remain in jail till death.
Ninety-seven people were brutally killed by a rampaging mob in Naroda Patiya area of the city on February 28, 2002. Along with Bajrangi, the trial court had convicted former Minister of State Maya Kodnani on charges of murder and criminal conspiracy and awarded her 28-year imprisonment. Kodnani was last week released on bail by the High Court on the ground of her deteriorating health.
Besides Bajrangi and Kodnani, seven persons were sentenced to 31-year rigorous imprisonment and 22 convicts to imprisonment of 24 years in connection with the Naroda Patiya riots case.
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-gu ... gi-2008161
-
ghulam muhammed
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- Joined: Tue Oct 07, 2008 5:34 pm
Re: Gujarat Mass Genocide : The REAL Truth.
Mediocre education facilities to Juhapura
By Abdul hafiz lakhani Ahmedabad
Ahmedabad Muslims are deprived of the facilities for education and other civic amenities. Though this is evident from a cursory look at Juhapura, the biggest ghetto of Muslims in Ahmedabad, a survey by NGO, Sadbhav Mission has said it in so many words.
Though Juhapura has a population of around 3.5 lakh, with 6,000 added to this figure every year, there are only four government primary schools and not a single government high school in the area, said Prof. Vipin Tripathi, a representative of the Sadbhav Mission.
The research team, which was headed by Tripathi, a professor at the Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi, highlighted the fact that the four government primary schools in Juhapura are able to enroll only 10 per cent of the children in the locality in the first standard, while there are only four classrooms for every 818 students.
"Lack of classrooms often leads to students of various classes sharing the physical space of a single room, leading to cacophony, chaos and learning difficulties. While the schools conduct two shifts in order to accommodate all the students, classes are also held on the school verandahs," Tripathi said.
"There is a serious problem of lack of space. The schools are not able to accommodate all the students. Though around 6,000 children are born in Juhapura annually, there are not enough schools to accommodate them in the secondary and higher-secondary levels.
"In the course of our research and inquiries, we found that the Gujarat Government has not yet adopted the Pre-Matric Scholarship Scheme while it is being run by 20 different state governments in the country," Tripathi informed.
Juhapura, referred to as the largest Muslim ghetto in Gujarat, has a few schools started by Muslim trusts too, but even there the number of seats is far from being sufficient to meet the requirements of the over three lakh population estimated to live there. The Government has not bothered to open any higher secondary school in Juhapura. All colleges are in Hindu-dominated localities, and parents feel it unsafe to send their children there. The few municipal schools in Juhapura do not have an environment conducive for learning either, says Mehrunnisa. "Gambling goes on in one of the schools, and there is so much riff-raff that parents don't want to send their children to study".
The government schools severely lack in facilities. Children do not have even mat or carpets (durries) to sit and have to squat on the ground. The quality of blackboards are extremely poor. The Gyaspur Bhatha Primary School’s one of the biggest in the area, has over 800 students with 16 teachers but only four classrooms. The school runs in two shifts with two classes running in a single room and a few in the corridors. 'If we do not treat children with dignity and teach them with care how could we expect them to go to schools', remarked a teacher.
Communal holocaust has caused ghettoisation in Gujarat with Muslims coming to reside in certain areas. But government follows the policy of neglecting those areas by curtailing or stopping sanitation and health facilities. Juhapura and Bombay Hotel areas best personify the policies. Some NGOs allege that that the government was following a policy of 'Muslim free zones' in Gujarat.
Gujarat has several biradries (communities) of Muslims. Twenty eight were declared OBC under the government reservation policies, but individuals from these communities find it next to impossible to enter the government services. Sometimes, the admissions on the basis of caste certificates are cancelled after two to three years thereby ruining their academic prospects.
By Abdul hafiz lakhani Ahmedabad
Ahmedabad Muslims are deprived of the facilities for education and other civic amenities. Though this is evident from a cursory look at Juhapura, the biggest ghetto of Muslims in Ahmedabad, a survey by NGO, Sadbhav Mission has said it in so many words.
Though Juhapura has a population of around 3.5 lakh, with 6,000 added to this figure every year, there are only four government primary schools and not a single government high school in the area, said Prof. Vipin Tripathi, a representative of the Sadbhav Mission.
The research team, which was headed by Tripathi, a professor at the Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi, highlighted the fact that the four government primary schools in Juhapura are able to enroll only 10 per cent of the children in the locality in the first standard, while there are only four classrooms for every 818 students.
"Lack of classrooms often leads to students of various classes sharing the physical space of a single room, leading to cacophony, chaos and learning difficulties. While the schools conduct two shifts in order to accommodate all the students, classes are also held on the school verandahs," Tripathi said.
"There is a serious problem of lack of space. The schools are not able to accommodate all the students. Though around 6,000 children are born in Juhapura annually, there are not enough schools to accommodate them in the secondary and higher-secondary levels.
"In the course of our research and inquiries, we found that the Gujarat Government has not yet adopted the Pre-Matric Scholarship Scheme while it is being run by 20 different state governments in the country," Tripathi informed.
Juhapura, referred to as the largest Muslim ghetto in Gujarat, has a few schools started by Muslim trusts too, but even there the number of seats is far from being sufficient to meet the requirements of the over three lakh population estimated to live there. The Government has not bothered to open any higher secondary school in Juhapura. All colleges are in Hindu-dominated localities, and parents feel it unsafe to send their children there. The few municipal schools in Juhapura do not have an environment conducive for learning either, says Mehrunnisa. "Gambling goes on in one of the schools, and there is so much riff-raff that parents don't want to send their children to study".
The government schools severely lack in facilities. Children do not have even mat or carpets (durries) to sit and have to squat on the ground. The quality of blackboards are extremely poor. The Gyaspur Bhatha Primary School’s one of the biggest in the area, has over 800 students with 16 teachers but only four classrooms. The school runs in two shifts with two classes running in a single room and a few in the corridors. 'If we do not treat children with dignity and teach them with care how could we expect them to go to schools', remarked a teacher.
Communal holocaust has caused ghettoisation in Gujarat with Muslims coming to reside in certain areas. But government follows the policy of neglecting those areas by curtailing or stopping sanitation and health facilities. Juhapura and Bombay Hotel areas best personify the policies. Some NGOs allege that that the government was following a policy of 'Muslim free zones' in Gujarat.
Gujarat has several biradries (communities) of Muslims. Twenty eight were declared OBC under the government reservation policies, but individuals from these communities find it next to impossible to enter the government services. Sometimes, the admissions on the basis of caste certificates are cancelled after two to three years thereby ruining their academic prospects.